ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

The growing recognition by Western powers of Morocco's autonomy plan for the Western Sahara is exacerbating tensions in North Africa. Faced with what it perceives as a growing threat, Algeria may be prompted to resort to force to protect its vital interests. This article explores the reasons behind this worrying possibility and examines the potential implications for the region. A Disturbing Parallel: Ukraine and Western Sahara There are striking similarities between the conflicts in Ukraine and Western Sahara. Russia, in 2022, justified its military intervention in Ukraine by several factors. It perceived Ukraine as an essential buffer zone against NATO expansion, a direct threat to its national security. Moreover, Moscow's historical and cultural ties with Ukraine, the protection of Russian-speaking minorities and the desire to maintain its regional influence motivated it to act. Similarly, Algeria sees Western support for Morocco's claim to Western Sahara as a direct thr

Algeria expressed on Thursday its "deep disapproval" of the recent French decision to support Morocco's autonomy plan for Western Sahara. This stance was described as "unexpected, inappropriate, and counterproductive" by the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Algerian government clearly stated that it would draw all the consequences from this decision, placing full responsibility on the French government. The French recognition of the Moroccan autonomy plan, seen as legitimizing Morocco's contested sovereignty over Western Sahara, provoked a strong reaction in Algeria. The Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs condemned this decision as an act supporting a "colonial fact," which is incompatible with the principles of decolonization supported by the international community. This stance is all the more controversial given that it comes from a permanent member of the UN Security Council, which is supposed to respect and promote international leg

The relationship between Morocco and Algeria is complex and historically marked by political and diplomatic tensions. These tensions are often exacerbated by geopolitical issues, such as the status of Western Sahara and the border disputes perceived by Moroccans, influenced by expansionist ambitions. It is undeniable that there is institutional hostility from the Moroccan regime towards Algeria, manifested through organized attacks against Algerian history, culture, and heritage, as well as against Algerian martyrs. What is striking is the absence of dissenting voices in Morocco condemning these systematic attacks against Algeria. Indeed, Morocco is a dictatorship where expressing dissent can be dangerous, but it is noteworthy that, in the context of the normalization of relations between Morocco and Israel, there have been demonstrations by the Moroccan population against this normalization. In contrast, there have been no demonstrations in Morocco criticizing the institutional hostil

For several years now, we have witnessed a troubling phenomenon on social media: the relentless attack by some Moroccans on everything Algerian. This assault does not stop at the living or contemporary history but extends to the dead, particularly the martyrs of the Algerian War of Independence. This behavior raises a fundamental question: why do Moroccans target our martyrs, even though respect for the dead is a universal principle in all cultures and religions, including Islam, which is the majority religion in Morocco? Historical and Sociopolitical Context The Algerian War of Independence and the Moroccan Reaction The Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962) was a fierce and bloody armed struggle against French colonialism, marked by immense sacrifices by Algerians. In contrast, Morocco gained its independence in 1956 primarily through peaceful means and political negotiations. This disparity created a different perception of the struggle for independence in the two countries. For t

The events of November 1988 in Algiers, where the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was set to declare an independent Palestinian state, were not merely diplomatic proceedings. They were shrouded in geopolitical tension and potential military threats, particularly from Israel, aiming to disrupt the historic gathering. This article explores the little-known narrative of how Algeria, through strategic military preparations, averted a planned Israeli airstrike against the PLO leadership. Context: Israeli Operations and the Tunisian Precedent The backdrop to the November 1988 events was set by a previous Israeli operation in Tunis in October 1985. This attack targeted the headquarters of the PLO's Force 17, demonstrating Israel's long-range capabilities and its resolve to eliminate Palestinian leadership outside its borders. The strike, conducted with precision and surprise, underscored Israel's determination to counteract Palestinian resistance despite international rami

Mr. President, Citizens, We are facing a critical situation that requires a firm and decisive response. The presence of over 1.2 million Moroccan nationals in an irregular situation on our territory constitutes a threat to our national security, economy, and social cohesion. We must act with determination to protect our nation and ensure a safe and prosperous future for all Algerians. National Security at Stake It has been revealed that there are connections between Israeli intelligence services and Morocco. Reports indicate that the Mossad is massively recruiting within the Moroccan community, particularly in France. We cannot exclude the possibility that similar actions are taking place on our soil, thereby threatening our national security. As a sovereign country, we cannot tolerate the presence of individuals who might jeopardize our security and stability. Economic and Social Impacts The illegal flow of foreign currency to Tunisia, which is then transferred to Morocco via Moroccan

The President of the Republic, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, held a media meeting with the national press on Thursday evening, addressing various national, regional, and international issues. Announcing his candidacy for a second presidential term, Tebboune emphasized that his electoral program will aim to complete current achievements and guide Algeria towards security at all levels. Promising Economic Forecasts The president announced that the national income will reach $400 billion by the end of 2027. He highlighted Algeria’s positive economic indicators, noting the recognition of these progressions by major international institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF. Tebboune also mentioned the increase in state revenues, the recovery of billions of dollars in diverted funds, and the rise in non-hydrocarbon exports. Public Satisfaction and Confidence Tebboune asserted that Algerians are satisfied with the developmental advances and can discern truth from falsehoods. He also emphasized th

Yesterday, thousands of people gathered on the sidewalks of the city of Tizi Ouzou to warmly welcome the President of the Republic, Abdelmadjid Tebboune. This visit, marked by the inauguration of significant projects and meetings with civil society, sent a strong message to the separatists of the Movement for the Autonomy of Kabylia (MAK). The Arrival of President Tebboune in Tizi Ouzou President Tebboune's arrival in Tizi Ouzou was a demonstration of popular support, with young people waving national flags and residents dressed in traditional Kabyle attire. This massive support starkly contrasts with the MAK's divisive attempts, highlighting the unity and solidarity of the Kabyle population with the Algerian state. Inauguration of Key Projects President Tebboune inaugurated the new 50,000-seat stadium in Boukhalfa, named after Hocine Ait Ahmed, a historical figure in Algeria's independence struggle. This sports complex, built to FIFA international standards, aims to boost

A single statement by Rima Hassan, the Franco-Palestinian lawyer and candidate on the LFI list for the European elections, about Algeria on the occasion of Independence Day, was enough to provoke indignant reactions from two spokespeople of the Israeli regime. Rima Hassan wrote that "the Mecca of revolutionaries and freedom is, and will remain, Algeria. Tel Aviv is the capital of a fascist regime and an apartheid state," in response to Raphaël Enthoven's proclamation on the social network X (formerly Twitter) that "Tel Aviv is the Mecca of freedom" and that "every human must make a pilgrimage there at least once, to taste the endless charms of the most joyful, tolerant, open, and lively city in the Middle East." Rima Hassan's response did not sit well with Julien Dray, a prominent figure in the Socialist Party (PS), who countered by stating that in Algeria, "all those who fight have lost their lives or are imprisoned." By doing so, Julien

Under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, Algeria has recorded a remarkable growth in non-hydrocarbon exports, rising from $700 million in 2019 to $13 billion in 2023. This article examines the strategies and policies implemented by the Algerian government to achieve this ambitious goal. Economic reforms, support measures for exporters, and investments in infrastructure are analyzed in detail. Introduction The Algerian economy has long been dominated by the hydrocarbon sector, representing a substantial portion of the country's exports and revenues. However, under the presidency of Abdelmadjid Tebboune, significant efforts have been made to diversify the economy and increase non-hydrocarbon exports. This article explores the various strategies and actions undertaken by the Algerian government to achieve this goal. 1. Structural and Economic Reforms Diversifying the Algerian economy required major structural and economic reforms. Tebboune implemented several measures to improve the busi

Mr. President, I am writing to you for the third time, hoping that this letter reaches you in good health and with the necessary attention. I promised to write a letter every month until I receive a response from you, and I am committed to this promise. I write to you today with persistent concern and an increased sense of urgency. At this time, as we celebrate the 62nd anniversary of the independence of our beloved country, it is necessary to remember the great sacrifices made by our martyrs to ensure a free and dignified life for us. They sacrificed their lives so that we could live in a sovereign, respected, and prosperous country. Today, we face many challenges. We must unite and confront these challenges with determination and resilience. We must live up to the ideals for which our martyrs fought. One of the major challenges we face is maintaining our national unity. It is a fundamental value that was the driving force of our struggle for independence. In these times when divisive

The Western Sahara conflict, located in northwest Africa, is one of the oldest and most complex decolonization issues in the world. Since Spain's departure in 1976, the territory has been disputed between Morocco and the Polisario Front, a Sahrawi national liberation movement. This article explores the genesis of the conflict, key developments, UN resolutions, and the current situation, highlighting the right to self-determination for the Sahrawi people and the obstacles to peace, particularly the role of corruption in blocking the peace process by Morocco. Genesis of the Conflict Spanish Colonial Period Western Sahara was a Spanish colony since the late 19th century. In 1963, the UN included the territory on the list of non-self-governing territories, thereby recognizing the right of its inhabitants to self-determination (UN General Assembly Resolution 1514). Calls for decolonization intensified in the 1960s and 1970s as liberation movements in Africa gained influence. The Emergen

The cases of Youcef Atal and Melvyn Jaminet highlight a stark contrast in how racism and anti-Semitism are perceived and sanctioned in France, potentially indicating a double standard. Details on the Youcef Atal Case Youcef Atal, an Algerian international footballer playing for OGC Nice, shared a video last October of a Palestinian preacher praying for a "black day for the Jews." This post, quickly deleted and followed by a public apology, sparked widespread outrage. Atal expressed regret, stating that he did not intend to propagate a message of hate. Sanctions and Reactions : Sporting : Atal was suspended by his club and eventually left OGC Nice to join a club in Turkey. Judicial : He was sentenced by the Nice court to eight months of suspended prison and fined 45,000 euros. Political and Media : Numerous political figures, including the Minister of Sports and the Mayor of Nice, Christian Estrosi, strongly condemned his actions. Political figures even demanded his exclusion

On February 26, 1961, King Hassan II ascended to the Moroccan throne amid a politically and economically turbulent climate. On May 17, 1963, Moroccan legislative elections were held, in which the opposition won 56.5% of the votes, exacerbating internal tensions. Paul Balta, a former correspondent for "Le Monde" in Algeria, noted that this situation prompted King Hassan II to provoke disputes with neighboring countries to bolster his regime and suppress internal opposition. Beginning of the Conflict October 8, 1963 : Clashes began between Algerian and Moroccan forces when Moroccan troops attacked Algerian positions in Tinjoub and Hassi Beida. Algeria responded by recapturing these positions and launching counterattacks. October 9, 1963 : Morocco announced that the Tinjoub, Hassi Beida, and Tinfouchy outposts had been seized by Algerian forces in a surprise attack. Algeria, however, asserted that Moroccan forces had been advancing in the desert since September to establish outp

French historian Benjamin Stora provides a deep historical insight into the obsession of the French far right with Algeria. His analysis, grounded in a profound understanding of Franco-Algerian relations and colonial history, offers an enlightening perspective on the ideological foundations of movements such as the National Front (FN), which later became the National Rally (RN). The Foundation of the National Front: Between Vichy and the Algerian War Stora situates the birth of the FN in 1972 in the wake of two significant but distinct events: the Vichy regime (1940-1944) and the Algerian War (1954-1962). According to Stora, the ideology of the French far right draws inspiration from an imperial nostalgia based on a hierarchical and discriminatory order, where the French occupied the top position and the colonized peoples were relegated to the bottom. Colonial Nostalgia and the Myth of Lost Greatness In an interview with the Turkish channel TRT in French, Stora describes how the French