ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

The narrative surrounding Morocco’s relationship with the Algerian Revolution has long been shaped by biased historical accounts , mostly propagated by Moroccan state discourse . This version of events portrays King Mohammed V as an unwavering ally of Algeria in its struggle for independence. However, a deeper examination of historical facts reveals that this support was neither unconditional nor altruistic . Rather, it was a political tool , used by the Moroccan monarchy to strengthen its position, gain leverage in negotiations with France, and pursue territorial ambitions at Algeria’s expense. Strategic, Self-Interested Support When the Algerian War of Independence erupted in 1954, Morocco had just gained its own independence in 1956. Still grappling with internal instability and political uncertainty, King Mohammed V saw the Algerian struggle as an opportunity —both to consolidate his rule and to extract concessions from France. By offering limited assistance to the FLN (Nationa...

In the summer of 1962, when the guns of the Algerian War of Independence finally fell silent, it was not merely the end of a conflict. It was the rebirth of a nation. After 132 years of colonial domination, dispossession, and resistance, Algeria emerged free, sovereign, and determined to reclaim its place among the nations of the world. The cost of that freedom had been immense. Hundreds of thousands of Algerians had sacrificed their lives so that future generations could inherit an independent homeland. The young Republic inherited a devastated country, a shattered economy, and institutions that had yet to be built. Yet it also inherited something far more powerful: an unbreakable national spirit forged through years of struggle and sacrifice. The Algerian people hoped that independence would usher in an era of reconstruction and unity. Villages were rebuilding. Families were mourning their martyrs and welcoming home former prisoners, exiles, and freedom fighters. The nation was looki...

The invasion of Ceuta, organized by the Moroccan regime, represented a genuine geopolitical earthquake. The episode surprised many observers and raised a fundamental question: why did Rabat choose to target Pedro Sánchez when he had arguably been its most valuable ally in Europe? Since coming to power, Sánchez had multiplied concessions in favor of Morocco. On the diplomatic front, he carried out a historic shift in Spain's position on Western Sahara, breaking with decades of diplomatic caution. Economically, bilateral relations reached record levels, with a growing presence of Spanish companies in Morocco and an unprecedented expansion of trade between the two countries. Moroccan citizens also benefited from a number of specific advantages, particularly in the areas of mobility and administrative cooperation. No other country on the southern shore of the Mediterranean received such favorable treatment from Madrid. And yet, despite all these advantages, Rabat chose confrontation. C...

To listen to certain narratives in Morocco, Ceuta and Melilla appear as Spanish territories whose fate has already been sealed by geography: two European cities on African soil, surrounded by Moroccan territory and destined, sooner or later, to return to their natural environment. This interpretation possesses undeniable symbolic appeal. It resonates with national sentiment and is frequently reinforced by segments of the Moroccan media landscape. Yet, when examined through the lens of diplomacy and strategy, the picture becomes considerably more nuanced. For despite maintaining a longstanding historical claim, Morocco has never pursued a comprehensive international strategy aimed at changing the status of Ceuta and Melilla in a manner comparable to other priority foreign policy issues. In practice, Rabat preserves the claim while simultaneously cultivating a pragmatic and cooperative relationship with Madrid, grounded in mutual interests and strategic interdependence. A Claim More Symb...

A document from the French intelligence services, dated December 16, 1957, reveals Morocco's expansionist ambitions toward Algeria during the Algerian War of Independence. This document sheds new light on the complex relationship between the two countries and partially contradicts the historical narrative taught in Algeria, which emphasizes Morocco's unconditional support for the Algerian revolution. In the official version of the Algerian War's history, as taught in Algerian schools, Morocco under King Mohammed V is portrayed as a steadfast ally in the struggle for Algerian independence. This narrative highlights the unity of the Moroccan and Algerian peoples in their fight against French colonialism. It is true that the Algerian revolutionaries initially saw their struggle as part of a broader Maghreb liberation movement (Tunisia – Algeria – Morocco). The attack on the Northern Constantine region in August 1955, for example, was carried out in response to the exile of the...

A Spanish report, presented as a security study and later widely circulated in Moroccan and Israeli media, points to what it calls an "Algerian actor" as one of the main nodes behind the mass migration wave toward Ceuta on July 30 and 31. An Algerian author argues that this hypothesis does not withstand close scrutiny. It would be easy to dismiss this argument as mere self-defense. That is precisely why a simple rule should be followed: do not add any facts that are not contained in the document itself, and do not rely on assumptions or interpretations. Read the report as it is and judge it solely on its own content. That is more than sufficient, because the report ultimately undermines itself. A Document with a Security Intelligence Appearance The report runs to seventy pages and was prepared by a Spanish security analyst. It carries a closing date of August 2 and bears a title referring to a digital mobilization campaign linked to what it describes as the "attack and ...

The claim that Morocco does not serve as “Europe’s policeman” is difficult to reconcile with the facts. For more than a decade, the European Union has invested heavily in strengthening Morocco’s border-control capabilities, committing hundreds of millions of euros to migration management, with the overwhelming share directed toward security and surveillance mechanisms. These funds are neither accidental nor philanthropic. They form part of a clearly acknowledged strategy of externalizing European migration control, making Morocco one of the central pillars of the continent’s policy of containing migratory flows before they reach European borders. Rabat has thus become an indispensable partner in a system whose primary purpose is to keep migratory pressure at a distance from Europe itself. Algeria, by contrast, benefits from no comparable arrangement. It receives no European funding dedicated to border surveillance and has never agreed to delegate its migration policy to external intere...

French Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu's statements in Rabat have generated considerable attention after he declared that France's position on Western Sahara is now "unchangeable" and that Paris stands alongside Morocco "loyally and faithfully." Yet despite their political significance, these remarks do not represent a fundamental shift in French policy. France did not choose its side today. It chose its side nearly half a century ago. Western Sahara: A Decolonization Issue, Not a Regional Dispute Contrary to the narrative often promoted in many Western media outlets, the Western Sahara question is not merely a regional dispute between Algeria and Morocco. From the perspective of the United Nations, the territory remains on the list of Non-Self-Governing Territories and continues to be considered an unfinished decolonization issue. Therefore, the core of the matter is not military balance or facts established on the ground, but rather the right of the Sahra...

The dismantling, in the wilaya of Tizi Ouzou, of a criminal group belonging to the terrorist movement known as the MAK is not merely a routine security incident. It is a warning signal—a serious, stark, and unmistakable reminder that the threats facing Algeria are neither imaginary nor exaggerated, nor simply the product of patriotic rhetoric that some are quick to ridicule. According to a statement issued by the Ministry of National Defence (MDN) on Monday, July 13, Army security services, acting on effectively exploited intelligence, succeeded in dismantling a group of six individuals affiliated with the MAK. Among them were four Moroccan nationals residing illegally on Algerian territory. This detail is far from insignificant. In fact, it is central to the matter. It raises a question that many prefer to avoid confronting directly: how can foreign nationals living illegally in the country become involved, according to the authorities, in a structure linked to a movement classified a...

The assault of a 14-year-old Algerian teenager in a fan zone in the United States should not be dismissed as a mere isolated incident. It is a particularly serious warning sign. The fact that a child could be targeted because of a football jersey is a reality that should outrage anyone committed to the values of respect and human dignity. For several years, social media has become the stage for a troubling radicalization of public discourse. Insults, smear campaigns, constant provocations, and calls for confrontation have gradually normalized a hostility that should never have left the virtual sphere. Today, the danger is that this verbal violence may evolve into real-world violence. Most alarming is the fact that the first victims of this toxic climate are often the youngest members of society. An entire generation is growing up under the influence of content that divides rather than unites, that fuels resentment instead of encouraging dialogue. When a teenager attends a sporting even...