ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

August 24, 2021, undoubtedly stands as one of the most significant turning points in Algerian foreign policy since the beginning of the twenty-first century. On that day, Algeria officially announced the severance of diplomatic relations with the Kingdom of Morocco, bringing to an end decades of coexistence marked by recurring tensions, repeated crises, and a level of mistrust that had become structural. At the time, the decision raised many questions. Some observers viewed it as the prelude to a dangerous regional escalation. Others predicted Algeria's diplomatic isolation or the failure of what they considered an excessively risky policy. Five years later, however, the outcome appears radically different. Not only did Algeria avoid war, but it also succeeded in consolidating its strategic position, strengthening its decision-making sovereignty, and demonstrating its ability to defend its national interests without resorting to military confrontation. More importantly, the diploma...

Ceuta and Melilla occupy a unique position in Mediterranean geopolitics. Located on the North African coast and bordered by Morocco, they are often described by Rabat as "occupied territories." However, from a historical, legal, and institutional perspective, their connection to Spain predates modern European colonialism by several centuries. Ceuta and Melilla were already under Iberian sovereignty long before the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco was established in 1912 and before Morocco gained independence in 1956.  A common misconception is to judge sovereignty solely on the basis of geography. Yet international law does not determine sovereignty merely by proximity. Gibraltar is located on the Iberian Peninsula but remains British; Kaliningrad is geographically separated from mainland Russia but remains Russian. Similarly, Ceuta and Melilla are Spanish because of centuries of continuous administration, recognized legal arrangements, and their complete integration into the ...

Since the announcement that Algeria has begun integrating the Su-57 into its air force, parts of the Moroccan media have portrayed the event as a dramatic shift in the regional balance of power. The underlying narrative is that Algeria’s air superiority is a recent phenomenon, supposedly created by the arrival of a fifth-generation fighter. This interpretation overlooks decades of military development. The reality is that Algeria's qualitative edge in air power did not begin with the Su-57. It is the result of a long-term strategy aimed at building a modern, independent, and credible air force capable of protecting Africa's largest country, securing vast borders, and safeguarding critical national interests. Algeria's Air Superiority Predates the Su-57 by Decades When Algeria introduced the MiG-25 in the 1980s, it already possessed interception capabilities unmatched in the Maghreb. At the time, the aircraft's speed, altitude, and interception performance provided Alg...

The invasion of Ceuta, organized by the Moroccan regime, represented a genuine geopolitical earthquake. The episode surprised many observers and raised a fundamental question: why did Rabat choose to target Pedro Sánchez when he had arguably been its most valuable ally in Europe? Since coming to power, Sánchez had multiplied concessions in favor of Morocco. On the diplomatic front, he carried out a historic shift in Spain's position on Western Sahara, breaking with decades of diplomatic caution. Economically, bilateral relations reached record levels, with a growing presence of Spanish companies in Morocco and an unprecedented expansion of trade between the two countries. Moroccan citizens also benefited from a number of specific advantages, particularly in the areas of mobility and administrative cooperation. No other country on the southern shore of the Mediterranean received such favorable treatment from Madrid. And yet, despite all these advantages, Rabat chose confrontation. C...

To listen to certain narratives in Morocco, Ceuta and Melilla appear as Spanish territories whose fate has already been sealed by geography: two European cities on African soil, surrounded by Moroccan territory and destined, sooner or later, to return to their natural environment. This interpretation possesses undeniable symbolic appeal. It resonates with national sentiment and is frequently reinforced by segments of the Moroccan media landscape. Yet, when examined through the lens of diplomacy and strategy, the picture becomes considerably more nuanced. For despite maintaining a longstanding historical claim, Morocco has never pursued a comprehensive international strategy aimed at changing the status of Ceuta and Melilla in a manner comparable to other priority foreign policy issues. In practice, Rabat preserves the claim while simultaneously cultivating a pragmatic and cooperative relationship with Madrid, grounded in mutual interests and strategic interdependence. A Claim More Symb...

A document from the French intelligence services, dated December 16, 1957, reveals Morocco's expansionist ambitions toward Algeria during the Algerian War of Independence. This document sheds new light on the complex relationship between the two countries and partially contradicts the historical narrative taught in Algeria, which emphasizes Morocco's unconditional support for the Algerian revolution. In the official version of the Algerian War's history, as taught in Algerian schools, Morocco under King Mohammed V is portrayed as a steadfast ally in the struggle for Algerian independence. This narrative highlights the unity of the Moroccan and Algerian peoples in their fight against French colonialism. It is true that the Algerian revolutionaries initially saw their struggle as part of a broader Maghreb liberation movement (Tunisia – Algeria – Morocco). The attack on the Northern Constantine region in August 1955, for example, was carried out in response to the exile of the...