ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

Ceuta and Melilla occupy a unique position in Mediterranean geopolitics. Located on the North African coast and bordered by Morocco, they are often described by Rabat as "occupied territories." However, from a historical, legal, and institutional perspective, their connection to Spain predates modern European colonialism by several centuries. Ceuta and Melilla were already under Iberian sovereignty long before the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco was established in 1912 and before Morocco gained independence in 1956.  A common misconception is to judge sovereignty solely on the basis of geography. Yet international law does not determine sovereignty merely by proximity. Gibraltar is located on the Iberian Peninsula but remains British; Kaliningrad is geographically separated from mainland Russia but remains Russian. Similarly, Ceuta and Melilla are Spanish because of centuries of continuous administration, recognized legal arrangements, and their complete integration into the ...

Since the announcement that Algeria has begun integrating the Su-57 into its air force, parts of the Moroccan media have portrayed the event as a dramatic shift in the regional balance of power. The underlying narrative is that Algeria’s air superiority is a recent phenomenon, supposedly created by the arrival of a fifth-generation fighter. This interpretation overlooks decades of military development. The reality is that Algeria's qualitative edge in air power did not begin with the Su-57. It is the result of a long-term strategy aimed at building a modern, independent, and credible air force capable of protecting Africa's largest country, securing vast borders, and safeguarding critical national interests. Algeria's Air Superiority Predates the Su-57 by Decades When Algeria introduced the MiG-25 in the 1980s, it already possessed interception capabilities unmatched in the Maghreb. At the time, the aircraft's speed, altitude, and interception performance provided Alg...

The invasion of Ceuta, organized by the Moroccan regime, represented a genuine geopolitical earthquake. The episode surprised many observers and raised a fundamental question: why did Rabat choose to target Pedro Sánchez when he had arguably been its most valuable ally in Europe? Since coming to power, Sánchez had multiplied concessions in favor of Morocco. On the diplomatic front, he carried out a historic shift in Spain's position on Western Sahara, breaking with decades of diplomatic caution. Economically, bilateral relations reached record levels, with a growing presence of Spanish companies in Morocco and an unprecedented expansion of trade between the two countries. Moroccan citizens also benefited from a number of specific advantages, particularly in the areas of mobility and administrative cooperation. No other country on the southern shore of the Mediterranean received such favorable treatment from Madrid. And yet, despite all these advantages, Rabat chose confrontation. C...

To listen to certain narratives in Morocco, Ceuta and Melilla appear as Spanish territories whose fate has already been sealed by geography: two European cities on African soil, surrounded by Moroccan territory and destined, sooner or later, to return to their natural environment. This interpretation possesses undeniable symbolic appeal. It resonates with national sentiment and is frequently reinforced by segments of the Moroccan media landscape. Yet, when examined through the lens of diplomacy and strategy, the picture becomes considerably more nuanced. For despite maintaining a longstanding historical claim, Morocco has never pursued a comprehensive international strategy aimed at changing the status of Ceuta and Melilla in a manner comparable to other priority foreign policy issues. In practice, Rabat preserves the claim while simultaneously cultivating a pragmatic and cooperative relationship with Madrid, grounded in mutual interests and strategic interdependence. A Claim More Symb...

A document from the French intelligence services, dated December 16, 1957, reveals Morocco's expansionist ambitions toward Algeria during the Algerian War of Independence. This document sheds new light on the complex relationship between the two countries and partially contradicts the historical narrative taught in Algeria, which emphasizes Morocco's unconditional support for the Algerian revolution. In the official version of the Algerian War's history, as taught in Algerian schools, Morocco under King Mohammed V is portrayed as a steadfast ally in the struggle for Algerian independence. This narrative highlights the unity of the Moroccan and Algerian peoples in their fight against French colonialism. It is true that the Algerian revolutionaries initially saw their struggle as part of a broader Maghreb liberation movement (Tunisia – Algeria – Morocco). The attack on the Northern Constantine region in August 1955, for example, was carried out in response to the exile of the...

A Spanish report, presented as a security study and later widely circulated in Moroccan and Israeli media, points to what it calls an "Algerian actor" as one of the main nodes behind the mass migration wave toward Ceuta on July 30 and 31. An Algerian author argues that this hypothesis does not withstand close scrutiny. It would be easy to dismiss this argument as mere self-defense. That is precisely why a simple rule should be followed: do not add any facts that are not contained in the document itself, and do not rely on assumptions or interpretations. Read the report as it is and judge it solely on its own content. That is more than sufficient, because the report ultimately undermines itself. A Document with a Security Intelligence Appearance The report runs to seventy pages and was prepared by a Spanish security analyst. It carries a closing date of August 2 and bears a title referring to a digital mobilization campaign linked to what it describes as the "attack and ...