ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

The interruption of gas flows for more than four days through the Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline (GME), operating in reverse mode from Spain to Morocco, was not a trivial technical incident. It was a moment of truth. Beginning on 21 March 2026, deliveries resumed only hesitantly, before grinding to a halt once more on 27 March—never rising above 30% of their nominal capacity. In its brevity, the episode nonetheless exposed the deeper structural fragilities underpinning Morocco’s energy architecture. A Supply Chain Under Strain For two brief days, on 25 and 26 March, gas volumes destined for Morocco peaked at roughly 833,000 cubic meters per day —before falling to zero again. This volatility mirrored a sharp contraction in liquefied natural gas (LNG) arrivals at Spanish terminals, particularly Huelva , a critical gateway for gas feeding the Moroccan system. Regasified volumes there slipped below the one‑million‑cubic‑meter mark, signalling a broader tightening of available supply across Sp...

Algeria has lost one of its most loyal and dignified sons. On Saturday, March 28, 2026, General Liamine Zeroual—mujahid, former President of the Republic, and devoted servant of the Nation—passed away at the age of 84. Three days of national mourning were declared, and the national flag was lowered to half-mast. Yet beyond official symbols, it is the hearts of millions of Algerians that are today heavy and silent, filled with memories of years marked by fire, blood, and fear. Liamine Zeroual was not a president like any other. He was the man of impossible moments , the one who accepted to take the helm when the Algerian ship was on the verge of sinking.* A Mujahid Before Being a President Born on July 3, 1941, in Batna, at the heart of the indomitable Aurès Mountains, Liamine Zeroual joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army at a very early age—only sixteen. This defining choice was neither opportunistic nor symbolic; it was existential, a matter of destiny. Like all men of his ...

The Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline (GME) was never a mere technical installation. For a quarter of a century, it functioned as an energy bridge between Algeria, Morocco, and the Iberian Peninsula, demonstrating that a pipeline can continue to operate even when political relations deteriorate. Commissioned on November 1, 1996, the GME was conceived as early as 1990, built between 1993 and 1996, and continued to operate despite the closure of the Algerian–Moroccan land borders in 1994. What occurred in 2021, however, marked a true turning point : Algeria stopped treating gas as a so‑called “tool of cooperation” and restored it to what it has always fundamentally been—an instrument governed by cost, sovereignty, and deterrence . 1) The origins: a European project… with Morocco in a rent‑seeking position Initially, the GME served a clear objective: to transport Algerian gas to Spain and Portugal via Morocco and the Strait of Gibraltar. Stretching approximately 1,300 km, the pipeline was prese...

President Abdelmadjid Tebboune received an Eid al‑Fitr phone call from Massad Boulos , Senior Advisor to the U.S. President, during which both sides discussed bilateral relations and “developments in the international situation.” Beyond its ceremonial register, the exchange comes at a moment of rapid realignment in the balance of power, as Washington reassesses its options in the Middle East. Algeria’s official channels confirmed the call and its general content, which was subsequently relayed by several Algerian media outlets. The stature of the interlocutor is, in itself, a signal. Boulos—presented since late 2024 as Senior Advisor on Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs (and, since 2025, also on Africa)—embodies a direct conduit to President Trump’s inner circle. American and African media have documented this rise in influence, framed in terms that are both familial and politico‑diplomatic. A Hardening Context: The U.S./Israel–Iran War and the Risk of Regional Spillover Since 28 Febr...

The decision of the Appeals Jury of the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to strip Senegal of a victory earned on the pitch and award the Africa Cup of Nations to Morocco by administrative decision (on a “green table”) appears, upon examination, vitiated by manifest illegality , devoid of any persuasive legal basis and, as such, destined for clear annulment by the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS). This is not a mere disagreement over interpretation, nor a debatable exercise of discretion. The reasoning adopted reflects a fundamental error in legal classification and collides head‑on with the core principles of sports law— legality, proportionality, legal certainty, and the stability of competitions . By persisting in such a logic, CAF risks opening an institutional breach whose consequences could be lasting—not only for the outcome of a tournament, but for the credibility of the continental sporting order itself. 1) A Regulatory Basis Invoked… but Misapplied In an attem...

In every modern conflict, the narrative precedes the bombs. Long before the first missiles are fired — months, sometimes years in advance — a carefully constructed story has already prepared world opinion to accept the unacceptable. The war against Iran is no exception to this rule. Yet something in this particular conflict resists the familiar logic of wartime communication: neither Washington nor Tel Aviv has ever clearly, consistently, or coherently articulated their strategic and tactical objectives. This absence of clarity, far from being an accident or a failure of messaging, constitutes in itself an analytical indicator of the first order. For when wars are waged in pursuit of legitimate and acknowledged goals, those goals are proclaimed loudly and proudly. History remembers the precision with which the 1991 coalition defined its limited mandate: to drive the Iraqi army out of Kuwait, nothing more. It remembers, too, the clarity — however grounded in deception — with which th...