ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

The decision by Mali to withdraw its recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) comes within the framework of a broader reshaping of geopolitical equilibria in the Sahel and North Africa. Far from being a mere symbolic diplomatic gesture, this decision reveals a redefinition of strategic alignments, rising tensions with the foundational principles of international law, and a set of internal contradictions likely to affect the coherence of Malian foreign policy. 1. A Break with Africa’s Normative Framework Since the post-independence period, Africa’s political architecture—first embodied by the Organization of African Unity and later by the African Union—has been built upon two fundamental pillars: the inviolability of borders inherited from colonialism and the right of peoples to self-determination . As an entity recognized by the African Union, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic forms part of this historical framework. Any challenge to its recognition therefore doe...

It took just one official post on X — sober, documented, and diplomatic — to expose an embarrassing reality: whenever Algeria is mentioned, some Moroccans would rather deny history than read it . A few days ago, the United States Embassy in Algiers recalled, with evidence in hand, a basic historical fact: the 1795 Treaty of Peace and Amity , signed in Algiers, constitutes one of the oldest chapters in Algerian–American relations. This treaty exists, it is accessible, and it is archived. And yet, instead of a calm debate, a wave of comments emerged seeking to declare as “impossible” what the archives clearly attest. A significant share of the most aggressive reactions — largely stemming from a Moroccan controversy on social media — revolved around a repetitive slogan: “Algeria did not exist in 1795.” In other words: if the fact is inconvenient, deny the fact. If the document contradicts the narrative, accuse the document. This is the logic of rewriting history through incantation and s...

A document from the French intelligence services, dated December 16, 1957, reveals Morocco's expansionist ambitions toward Algeria during the Algerian War of Independence. This document sheds new light on the complex relationship between the two countries and partially contradicts the historical narrative taught in Algeria, which emphasizes Morocco's unconditional support for the Algerian revolution. In the official version of the Algerian War's history, as taught in Algerian schools, Morocco under King Mohammed V is portrayed as a steadfast ally in the struggle for Algerian independence. This narrative highlights the unity of the Moroccan and Algerian peoples in their fight against French colonialism. It is true that the Algerian revolutionaries initially saw their struggle as part of a broader Maghreb liberation movement (Tunisia – Algeria – Morocco). The attack on the Northern Constantine region in August 1955, for example, was carried out in response to the exile of the...

Algeria has lost one of its most loyal and dignified sons. On Saturday, March 28, 2026, General Liamine Zeroual—mujahid, former President of the Republic, and devoted servant of the Nation—passed away at the age of 84. Three days of national mourning were declared, and the national flag was lowered to half-mast. Yet beyond official symbols, it is the hearts of millions of Algerians that are today heavy and silent, filled with memories of years marked by fire, blood, and fear. Liamine Zeroual was not a president like any other. He was the man of impossible moments , the one who accepted to take the helm when the Algerian ship was on the verge of sinking.* A Mujahid Before Being a President Born on July 3, 1941, in Batna, at the heart of the indomitable Aurès Mountains, Liamine Zeroual joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army at a very early age—only sixteen. This defining choice was neither opportunistic nor symbolic; it was existential, a matter of destiny. Like all men of his ...

The Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline (GME) was never a mere technical installation. For a quarter of a century, it functioned as an energy bridge between Algeria, Morocco, and the Iberian Peninsula, demonstrating that a pipeline can continue to operate even when political relations deteriorate. Commissioned on November 1, 1996, the GME was conceived as early as 1990, built between 1993 and 1996, and continued to operate despite the closure of the Algerian–Moroccan land borders in 1994. What occurred in 2021, however, marked a true turning point : Algeria stopped treating gas as a so‑called “tool of cooperation” and restored it to what it has always fundamentally been—an instrument governed by cost, sovereignty, and deterrence . 1) The origins: a European project… with Morocco in a rent‑seeking position Initially, the GME served a clear objective: to transport Algerian gas to Spain and Portugal via Morocco and the Strait of Gibraltar. Stretching approximately 1,300 km, the pipeline was prese...

President Abdelmadjid Tebboune received an Eid al‑Fitr phone call from Massad Boulos , Senior Advisor to the U.S. President, during which both sides discussed bilateral relations and “developments in the international situation.” Beyond its ceremonial register, the exchange comes at a moment of rapid realignment in the balance of power, as Washington reassesses its options in the Middle East. Algeria’s official channels confirmed the call and its general content, which was subsequently relayed by several Algerian media outlets. The stature of the interlocutor is, in itself, a signal. Boulos—presented since late 2024 as Senior Advisor on Arab and Middle Eastern Affairs (and, since 2025, also on Africa)—embodies a direct conduit to President Trump’s inner circle. American and African media have documented this rise in influence, framed in terms that are both familial and politico‑diplomatic. A Hardening Context: The U.S./Israel–Iran War and the Risk of Regional Spillover Since 28 Febr...

For several decades, Morocco has made a clear strategic choice: to anchor its military and security doctrine within the Western system. Rabat has thus invested heavily in interoperability with NATO armies , multiplied military cooperation agreements with the United States and European powers, and, more recently, deepened its security and technological cooperation with Israel. This orientation was not merely a policy of military modernization. It rested on a fundamental strategic assumption: integration into the Western security architecture would offer Morocco a form of implicit protection in the event of a major crisis. However, recent geopolitical developments in the Middle East—particularly the tensions linked to the confrontation with Iran —have begun to shake this conviction in several regional capitals. The Gulf precedent: costly but limited alliances The Gulf monarchies have invested hundreds of billions of dollars in their strategic relations with the United States. They have...

The Trans‑Saharan Gas Pipeline (TSGP)—linking Nigeria to Algeria through Niger —is no longer merely an engineering undertaking. It has evolved into one of the most strategically charged energy corridors on the African continent . By connecting West Africa’s vast gas reserves to Europe through Algerian export networks, the project is shaping a new geopolitical geography at a moment when global energy markets are undergoing profound restructuring. Recent statements by Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune confirmed that construction will begin immediately after Ramadan , marking a decisive shift from planning to execution.  1. A Continental Energy Corridor With Global Stakes Technically, the TSGP is designed to transport up to 30 billion cubic meters of gas per year , running more than 4,000 km from southern Nigeria to Algeria’s Hassi R’Mel hub . Once it reaches Algeria, Nigerian gas would be injected into existing export routes such as Medgaz , TransMed , and potentially LNG ...

Since the late 1970s, Algeria has undertaken a methodical transformation of its military apparatus, a shift that has deeply shaped the strategic balance in the Maghreb. The entry into service of the Mikoyan‑Gurevich MiG‑25 within the People’s National Army (ANP) marked a decisive turning point. At the time, this supersonic interceptor—capable of flying at very high altitudes and reaching speeds close to Mach 3—introduced a major technological breakthrough in the region. This choice was neither symbolic nor circumstantial. It reflected a long-term strategic vision: ensuring durable qualitative superiority based on deterrence and autonomy. Continuous Modernization: From Classical Deterrence to the Advanced Generation The acquisition of the MiG‑25 was only the starting point of a cumulative dynamic. Algeria gradually consolidated all dimensions of its military power. The introduction of the Sukhoi Su‑30MKA marked a major leap in operational versatility: air superiority, ground attack, a...