ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

The Moroccan newspaper Assahifa ’s article attempting to portray Algeria as a source of instability in the Sahel is less a security analysis than a political propaganda exercise. Under the pretext of commenting on the dismantling of an ISIS-linked cell in Morocco, the article constructs a carefully crafted narrative: terrorism in the Sahel is allegedly fueled by separatism, separatism is allegedly sustained by Algeria, and Europe should therefore regard Rabat as its primary security bulwark. This narrative may serve a state communication strategy, but it does not withstand scrutiny when confronted with facts, international data, or the recent history of the region. The first weakness of the article is methodological. It begins with a genuine security event—an anti-terrorist operation conducted in Morocco—and gradually shifts toward a geopolitical indictment of Algeria. Yet no direct operational evidence is provided linking the dismantled cell to Algerian territory, Algerian institution...

There is a scene that repeats itself, in one form or another, in almost every Algerian household: an Algerian doctor whose diagnosis is questioned until it is confirmed by a French colleague; a local engineer whose recommendations are dismissed until a foreign expert rephrases them in another language; a national product viewed with suspicion until an imported brand name is attached to it. This scene is not an isolated incident, but rather a recurring symptom of a civilizational pathology that Malek Bennabi described with remarkable precision more than half a century ago: colonizability . The true value of this concept lies not in its accusatory nature, but in its diagnostic function. Bennabi did not write to absolve the colonizer; he raised a far more disturbing question: Why does colonialism find fertile ground in which to expand? According to him, the answer lies not only in the artillery of the conqueror, but also in a weakness embedded within the very consciousness of the coloniz...

The assault of a 14-year-old Algerian teenager in a fan zone in the United States should not be dismissed as a mere isolated incident. It is a particularly serious warning sign. The fact that a child could be targeted because of a football jersey is a reality that should outrage anyone committed to the values of respect and human dignity. For several years, social media has become the stage for a troubling radicalization of public discourse. Insults, smear campaigns, constant provocations, and calls for confrontation have gradually normalized a hostility that should never have left the virtual sphere. Today, the danger is that this verbal violence may evolve into real-world violence. Most alarming is the fact that the first victims of this toxic climate are often the youngest members of society. An entire generation is growing up under the influence of content that divides rather than unites, that fuels resentment instead of encouraging dialogue. When a teenager attends a sporting even...

In an article entitled “How Much Longer Will Algerian Historians Continue to Ride the Myths of False History?” , published on a Moroccan website, Bernard Lugan revisits a long-standing thesis of his own, advancing a revisionist reading of Algerian history that questions the historical continuity of the Central Maghreb and minimizes the political and cultural realities that predated French rule. This approach is revealing in itself. Rather than engaging with sources, archives, historical evidence, and continuity, Lugan prefers to shift the discussion onto psychological and ideological terrain. The issue is no longer the validity of an argument, but the supposed motives of the person advancing it. Such a method may be convenient in polemics, but it remains intellectually weak, as it avoids the central question: does Algeria possess a historical depth that predates French colonization? A Logic of Erasure Rather Than Inquiry The fundamental problem is that, in order to argue that Algeria i...

Just hours before the kickoff of the 2026 World Cup, FIFA could have simply focused on football. It could have highlighted the game, the national teams, the fans, and the universality of a global event meant to unite people beyond political divides. But the institution led by Gianni Infantino once again chose to remind us that its supposed neutrality is not a guiding principle—it is a variable instrument. The decision to grant a symbolic accreditation to French journalist Christophe Gleizes, currently detained in Algeria, was hailed by Reporters Without Borders as a “strong gesture” of support. According to several media outlets, FIFA issued him accreditation to cover the entire 2026 World Cup—hosted in the United States, Canada, and Mexico from June 11 to July 19—even though he remains incarcerated in Algeria following a conviction for “apology of terrorism,” reportedly linked to alleged contacts with members of the MAK, an organization classified as terrorist by Algerian authorities...

In France’s official messaging, one idea keeps resurfacing: relations with Algeria are “meant” to improve, driven by shared history and deep human and economic interdependence. Yet each time this narrative meets reality, the same hard political truth emerges: a genuine strategic reconciliation cannot be built while policies continue that Algeria interprets as a direct blow to its vital interests . Two files, in particular, function as both catalysts and sincerity tests: Western Sahara and colonial memory . This gap is not only visible in major decisions, but also in how political time is managed: Paris signals de-escalation while maintaining structural fault lines. As a result, questioning France’s real intentions is not an emotional reflex—it is a matter of strategic consistency between words and deeds. 1) Western Sahara: When Alliance Architecture Undermines Any Announced “Rapprochement” In the summer of 2024, French diplomacy took a decisive turn by asserting that the “present and ...

The decision by Mali to withdraw its recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) comes within the framework of a broader reshaping of geopolitical equilibria in the Sahel and North Africa. Far from being a mere symbolic diplomatic gesture, this decision reveals a redefinition of strategic alignments, rising tensions with the foundational principles of international law, and a set of internal contradictions likely to affect the coherence of Malian foreign policy. 1. A Break with Africa’s Normative Framework Since the post-independence period, Africa’s political architecture—first embodied by the Organization of African Unity and later by the African Union—has been built upon two fundamental pillars: the inviolability of borders inherited from colonialism and the right of peoples to self-determination . As an entity recognized by the African Union, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic forms part of this historical framework. Any challenge to its recognition therefore doe...

It took just one official post on X — sober, documented, and diplomatic — to expose an embarrassing reality: whenever Algeria is mentioned, some Moroccans would rather deny history than read it . A few days ago, the United States Embassy in Algiers recalled, with evidence in hand, a basic historical fact: the 1795 Treaty of Peace and Amity , signed in Algiers, constitutes one of the oldest chapters in Algerian–American relations. This treaty exists, it is accessible, and it is archived. And yet, instead of a calm debate, a wave of comments emerged seeking to declare as “impossible” what the archives clearly attest. A significant share of the most aggressive reactions — largely stemming from a Moroccan controversy on social media — revolved around a repetitive slogan: “Algeria did not exist in 1795.” In other words: if the fact is inconvenient, deny the fact. If the document contradicts the narrative, accuse the document. This is the logic of rewriting history through incantation and s...

A document from the French intelligence services, dated December 16, 1957, reveals Morocco's expansionist ambitions toward Algeria during the Algerian War of Independence. This document sheds new light on the complex relationship between the two countries and partially contradicts the historical narrative taught in Algeria, which emphasizes Morocco's unconditional support for the Algerian revolution. In the official version of the Algerian War's history, as taught in Algerian schools, Morocco under King Mohammed V is portrayed as a steadfast ally in the struggle for Algerian independence. This narrative highlights the unity of the Moroccan and Algerian peoples in their fight against French colonialism. It is true that the Algerian revolutionaries initially saw their struggle as part of a broader Maghreb liberation movement (Tunisia – Algeria – Morocco). The attack on the Northern Constantine region in August 1955, for example, was carried out in response to the exile of the...

Algeria has lost one of its most loyal and dignified sons. On Saturday, March 28, 2026, General Liamine Zeroual—mujahid, former President of the Republic, and devoted servant of the Nation—passed away at the age of 84. Three days of national mourning were declared, and the national flag was lowered to half-mast. Yet beyond official symbols, it is the hearts of millions of Algerians that are today heavy and silent, filled with memories of years marked by fire, blood, and fear. Liamine Zeroual was not a president like any other. He was the man of impossible moments , the one who accepted to take the helm when the Algerian ship was on the verge of sinking.* A Mujahid Before Being a President Born on July 3, 1941, in Batna, at the heart of the indomitable Aurès Mountains, Liamine Zeroual joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army at a very early age—only sixteen. This defining choice was neither opportunistic nor symbolic; it was existential, a matter of destiny. Like all men of his ...

The Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline (GME) was never a mere technical installation. For a quarter of a century, it functioned as an energy bridge between Algeria, Morocco, and the Iberian Peninsula, demonstrating that a pipeline can continue to operate even when political relations deteriorate. Commissioned on November 1, 1996, the GME was conceived as early as 1990, built between 1993 and 1996, and continued to operate despite the closure of the Algerian–Moroccan land borders in 1994. What occurred in 2021, however, marked a true turning point : Algeria stopped treating gas as a so‑called “tool of cooperation” and restored it to what it has always fundamentally been—an instrument governed by cost, sovereignty, and deterrence . 1) The origins: a European project… with Morocco in a rent‑seeking position Initially, the GME served a clear objective: to transport Algerian gas to Spain and Portugal via Morocco and the Strait of Gibraltar. Stretching approximately 1,300 km, the pipeline was prese...