ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

In France’s official messaging, one idea keeps resurfacing: relations with Algeria are “meant” to improve, driven by shared history and deep human and economic interdependence. Yet each time this narrative meets reality, the same hard political truth emerges: a genuine strategic reconciliation cannot be built while policies continue that Algeria interprets as a direct blow to its vital interests . Two files, in particular, function as both catalysts and sincerity tests: Western Sahara and colonial memory . This gap is not only visible in major decisions, but also in how political time is managed: Paris signals de-escalation while maintaining structural fault lines. As a result, questioning France’s real intentions is not an emotional reflex—it is a matter of strategic consistency between words and deeds. 1) Western Sahara: When Alliance Architecture Undermines Any Announced “Rapprochement” In the summer of 2024, French diplomacy took a decisive turn by asserting that the “present and ...

The international military exercise Africa Lion , regularly presented as one of the pillars of security cooperation between African forces and their Western partners, is taking place this year in a particularly troubling context. Within the space of just a few days, several serious incidents in Morocco have cast a shadow over an operation meant to showcase coordination, operational control, and regional stability. The disappearance of two U.S. soldiers involved in the exercises was the first warning sign. Although the exact circumstances of the incident have not yet been fully clarified, it prompted the rapid deployment of significant ground and air search assets, immediately highlighting the complexity of the terrain and the conditions of operation. An aviation accident revealing material and operational vulnerabilities It was during these search operations that a Moroccan military helicopter crashed while flying over a hard‑to‑access area. While the precise causes of the accident rem...

Within just a few days, the Malian crisis has changed in nature. What is unfolding is no longer merely a chronic deterioration of security, but a rupture event : a simultaneous offensive targeting several strategic nodes, an apparent breakdown in the chain of command, a rollback (or retreat) of Russian allies in the North, and a rapidly reconfigured regional diplomatic game. At the heart of this sequence, a structural reality resurfaces: Algeria’s geopolitical centrality within the Sahelian architecture —not by proclamation, but through geographic, security, and diplomatic constraints. Three days after the attacks, the situation remains confused. Key northern and central localities (including Kidal, Gao, Bourem, Konna, Sévaré and Mopti) are reported to have fallen or are being contested, while the transitional executive in Bamako projects the image of a power in retreat, at times silent. The head of the transitional authorities had not reappeared publicly by the date in question, befor...

The decision by Mali to withdraw its recognition of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) comes within the framework of a broader reshaping of geopolitical equilibria in the Sahel and North Africa. Far from being a mere symbolic diplomatic gesture, this decision reveals a redefinition of strategic alignments, rising tensions with the foundational principles of international law, and a set of internal contradictions likely to affect the coherence of Malian foreign policy. 1. A Break with Africa’s Normative Framework Since the post-independence period, Africa’s political architecture—first embodied by the Organization of African Unity and later by the African Union—has been built upon two fundamental pillars: the inviolability of borders inherited from colonialism and the right of peoples to self-determination . As an entity recognized by the African Union, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic forms part of this historical framework. Any challenge to its recognition therefore doe...

It took just one official post on X — sober, documented, and diplomatic — to expose an embarrassing reality: whenever Algeria is mentioned, some Moroccans would rather deny history than read it . A few days ago, the United States Embassy in Algiers recalled, with evidence in hand, a basic historical fact: the 1795 Treaty of Peace and Amity , signed in Algiers, constitutes one of the oldest chapters in Algerian–American relations. This treaty exists, it is accessible, and it is archived. And yet, instead of a calm debate, a wave of comments emerged seeking to declare as “impossible” what the archives clearly attest. A significant share of the most aggressive reactions — largely stemming from a Moroccan controversy on social media — revolved around a repetitive slogan: “Algeria did not exist in 1795.” In other words: if the fact is inconvenient, deny the fact. If the document contradicts the narrative, accuse the document. This is the logic of rewriting history through incantation and s...

A document from the French intelligence services, dated December 16, 1957, reveals Morocco's expansionist ambitions toward Algeria during the Algerian War of Independence. This document sheds new light on the complex relationship between the two countries and partially contradicts the historical narrative taught in Algeria, which emphasizes Morocco's unconditional support for the Algerian revolution. In the official version of the Algerian War's history, as taught in Algerian schools, Morocco under King Mohammed V is portrayed as a steadfast ally in the struggle for Algerian independence. This narrative highlights the unity of the Moroccan and Algerian peoples in their fight against French colonialism. It is true that the Algerian revolutionaries initially saw their struggle as part of a broader Maghreb liberation movement (Tunisia – Algeria – Morocco). The attack on the Northern Constantine region in August 1955, for example, was carried out in response to the exile of the...

The city of Val‑de‑Reuil is currently facing a serious affair that directly engages the moral and political responsibility of its municipal executive. At the center of the controversy are publicly expressed racist remarks made on the social network X (formerly Twitter) by Lahsaine Aït Baba, deputy mayor to Socialist mayor Marc‑Antoine Jamet, targeting Algerians. The facts admit no ambiguity. The statements were preserved, archived, documented, and widely circulated. This is neither a rumor nor a misinterpretation: the remarks exist, are established, and were fully assumed by their author. An Openly Assumed Racial Insult In one of his messages, Lahsaine Aït Baba referred to Algerians as “kouloughli,” a term heavily burdened with political and historical connotations, long used as a racial slur by certain Moroccan royalist circles as part of an identity‑denigration campaign. This expression is neither neutral nor harmless. It belongs to a rhetoric of stigmatization aimed at essentializin...

The French refusal to align with a logic of long-term military engagement against Iran is neither ambiguous nor hesitant. It is part of a far broader geopolitical context, marked by a profound reconfiguration of power relations, growing uncertainty regarding the American stance, and the rise of systemic risks on a global scale. Three recent elements help to better understand the French position and, more broadly, the European one. 1. Contradictory signals from Washington: a weakened Western alliance For several months, Donald Trump has never concealed his distrust of traditional multilateral alliances. The issue of a U.S. withdrawal from NATO , or at the very least a major strategic disengagement, frequently reappears in his political discourse. This signal is far from trivial: it calls into question the very principle of automatic solidarity that has underpinned Euro‑Atlantic security since 1949. For Europeans, this hypothesis creates a dangerous equation: either align with a short‑te...

The interruption of gas flows for more than four days through the Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline (GME), operating in reverse mode from Spain to Morocco, was not a trivial technical incident. It was a moment of truth. Beginning on 21 March 2026, deliveries resumed only hesitantly, before grinding to a halt once more on 27 March—never rising above 30% of their nominal capacity. In its brevity, the episode nonetheless exposed the deeper structural fragilities underpinning Morocco’s energy architecture. A Supply Chain Under Strain For two brief days, on 25 and 26 March, gas volumes destined for Morocco peaked at roughly 833,000 cubic meters per day —before falling to zero again. This volatility mirrored a sharp contraction in liquefied natural gas (LNG) arrivals at Spanish terminals, particularly Huelva , a critical gateway for gas feeding the Moroccan system. Regasified volumes there slipped below the one‑million‑cubic‑meter mark, signalling a broader tightening of available supply across Sp...

Algeria has lost one of its most loyal and dignified sons. On Saturday, March 28, 2026, General Liamine Zeroual—mujahid, former President of the Republic, and devoted servant of the Nation—passed away at the age of 84. Three days of national mourning were declared, and the national flag was lowered to half-mast. Yet beyond official symbols, it is the hearts of millions of Algerians that are today heavy and silent, filled with memories of years marked by fire, blood, and fear. Liamine Zeroual was not a president like any other. He was the man of impossible moments , the one who accepted to take the helm when the Algerian ship was on the verge of sinking.* A Mujahid Before Being a President Born on July 3, 1941, in Batna, at the heart of the indomitable Aurès Mountains, Liamine Zeroual joined the ranks of the National Liberation Army at a very early age—only sixteen. This defining choice was neither opportunistic nor symbolic; it was existential, a matter of destiny. Like all men of his ...

The Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline (GME) was never a mere technical installation. For a quarter of a century, it functioned as an energy bridge between Algeria, Morocco, and the Iberian Peninsula, demonstrating that a pipeline can continue to operate even when political relations deteriorate. Commissioned on November 1, 1996, the GME was conceived as early as 1990, built between 1993 and 1996, and continued to operate despite the closure of the Algerian–Moroccan land borders in 1994. What occurred in 2021, however, marked a true turning point : Algeria stopped treating gas as a so‑called “tool of cooperation” and restored it to what it has always fundamentally been—an instrument governed by cost, sovereignty, and deterrence . 1) The origins: a European project… with Morocco in a rent‑seeking position Initially, the GME served a clear objective: to transport Algerian gas to Spain and Portugal via Morocco and the Strait of Gibraltar. Stretching approximately 1,300 km, the pipeline was prese...