ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

On 10 September 2026, Algiers severed diplomatic relations with Abu Dhabi. That same day, a thousand kilometres to the south, two European hostages held for more than a year were released in the Sahel. No direct causal thread links the two events — yet they tell the same story. I. The facts In a statement of a few lines, Algeria's Ministry of Foreign Affairs brought decades of relations with the United Arab Emirates to an end. The text denounced what it called the multiplication of provocative or hostile acts on Abu Dhabi's part, insisted that Algiers had exercised restraint and issued repeated warnings, and concluded that such conduct had reached the limits of what is admissible or tolerable between two sovereign states. The Emirati ambassador, summoned to the ministry the same day, was formally notified of the decision and given forty-eight hours. That evening, the Ministry of National Defence closed Algerian airspace to Emirati military and civilian aircraft with eff...

For decades, Algerian foreign policy was built on a solid foundation: respect for state sovereignty, non-interference, rejection of foreign military interventions, and the pursuit of political solutions to conflicts. These principles have shaped Algeria's diplomatic identity since independence and have given it a distinctive credibility on the international stage. Yet the current period marks a historic turning point. The international system that emerged after the Cold War is undergoing profound transformation. Multilateral institutions are weakening, international law is increasingly challenged by power politics, and regional powers are asserting their interests without always adhering to the principles they publicly champion. In such an environment, a fundamental question arises in Algiers: How can a nation defend its principles when its adversaries respect none of them? Today, Algeria appears to be offering a pragmatic answer: preserve its principles, but no longer sacrifice it...

History is not negotiated with chauvinistic Moroccan myths; it is written through facts, dates, and geography. While modern narratives attempt to appropriate the glorious epic of the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 711, a rigorous analysis of the chronology and political sociology of the Maghreb dismantles the anachronism of attributing a role in this founding event to present-day Morocco. The historical reality is unambiguous: the army that crossed the Strait of Gibraltar in 711 was commanded by Tariq ibn Ziyad, a leader from the Central Maghreb, corresponding largely to present-day Algeria, and fought under the banner of the Umayyad Empire. At that time, the lands of modern Morocco had not yet seen the founding of Fez, the oldest major city of the contemporary Moroccan state, whose establishment would only take place several decades later. Indeed, nearly 80 to 100 years separate the conquest of al-Andalus from the birth of Fez and the emergence of the first Idrisid state. Meanwh...

The narrative surrounding Morocco’s relationship with the Algerian Revolution has long been shaped by biased historical accounts , mostly propagated by Moroccan state discourse . This version of events portrays King Mohammed V as an unwavering ally of Algeria in its struggle for independence. However, a deeper examination of historical facts reveals that this support was neither unconditional nor altruistic . Rather, it was a political tool , used by the Moroccan monarchy to strengthen its position, gain leverage in negotiations with France, and pursue territorial ambitions at Algeria’s expense. Strategic, Self-Interested Support When the Algerian War of Independence erupted in 1954, Morocco had just gained its own independence in 1956. Still grappling with internal instability and political uncertainty, King Mohammed V saw the Algerian struggle as an opportunity —both to consolidate his rule and to extract concessions from France. By offering limited assistance to the FLN (Nationa...

In November 1975, following Spain’s withdrawal from Western Sahara, the territory entered a new phase of its history. The agreements concluded between Morocco and Mauritania immediately sparked strong opposition from the Polisario Front, which claimed the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination in accordance with the principles defended in international forums. The months that followed were marked by a profound humanitarian crisis. Large numbers of civilians left their homes to escape the fighting, leading to significant population movements across the desert regions. Contemporary accounts describe particularly difficult living conditions characterized by insecurity, a lack of resources, and the human consequences of the conflict. Faced with this situation, Algeria provided support to displaced Sahrawi populations, in keeping with its traditional policy of supporting national liberation movements and defending the right of peoples to self-determination. Faithful to the principles ...

In the summer of 1962, when the guns of the Algerian War of Independence finally fell silent, it was not merely the end of a conflict. It was the rebirth of a nation. After 132 years of colonial domination, dispossession, and resistance, Algeria emerged free, sovereign, and determined to reclaim its place among the nations of the world. The cost of that freedom had been immense. Hundreds of thousands of Algerians had sacrificed their lives so that future generations could inherit an independent homeland. The young Republic inherited a devastated country, a shattered economy, and institutions that had yet to be built. Yet it also inherited something far more powerful: an unbreakable national spirit forged through years of struggle and sacrifice. The Algerian people hoped that independence would usher in an era of reconstruction and unity. Villages were rebuilding. Families were mourning their martyrs and welcoming home former prisoners, exiles, and freedom fighters. The nation was looki...

August 24, 2021, undoubtedly stands as one of the most significant turning points in Algerian foreign policy since the beginning of the twenty-first century. On that day, Algeria officially announced the severance of diplomatic relations with the Kingdom of Morocco, bringing to an end decades of coexistence marked by recurring tensions, repeated crises, and a level of mistrust that had become structural. At the time, the decision raised many questions. Some observers viewed it as the prelude to a dangerous regional escalation. Others predicted Algeria's diplomatic isolation or the failure of what they considered an excessively risky policy. Five years later, however, the outcome appears radically different. Not only did Algeria avoid war, but it also succeeded in consolidating its strategic position, strengthening its decision-making sovereignty, and demonstrating its ability to defend its national interests without resorting to military confrontation. More importantly, the diploma...

Ceuta and Melilla occupy a unique position in Mediterranean geopolitics. Located on the North African coast and bordered by Morocco, they are often described by Rabat as "occupied territories." However, from a historical, legal, and institutional perspective, their connection to Spain predates modern European colonialism by several centuries. Ceuta and Melilla were already under Iberian sovereignty long before the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco was established in 1912 and before Morocco gained independence in 1956.  A common misconception is to judge sovereignty solely on the basis of geography. Yet international law does not determine sovereignty merely by proximity. Gibraltar is located on the Iberian Peninsula but remains British; Kaliningrad is geographically separated from mainland Russia but remains Russian. Similarly, Ceuta and Melilla are Spanish because of centuries of continuous administration, recognized legal arrangements, and their complete integration into the ...