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Gara Djebilet Mega Project: Why has this initiative become a focal point for Moroccan media? Does Morocco truly have a legitimate claim? And is the 1972 convention genuinely binding upon Algeria?

Since the Algerian government resolved to revive the strategic Gara Djebilet mining project (1), Moroccan media—both official and unofficial—has hastened to seize upon the subject, invoking an alleged “historical right” of Morocco over this deposit. According to the narrative advanced by Rabat, King Hassan II purportedly accepted the demarcation of borders between Morocco and Algeria in exchange for a usufructuary right over the Gara Djebilet mine. Yet, the instruments duly signed and ratified by both States tell an entirely different story (2). This article will revisit that point in detail, with the aim of dismantling Moroccan propaganda designed for domestic consumption—propaganda intended to perpetuate the illusion of a return to a bygone grandeur… which, in truth, never existed.

Before addressing Morocco’s assertions, let us first outline the Gara Djebilet mega-project: what does it entail?

1) The Gara Djebilet mega project in a nutshell:

The Gara Djebilet mine, located in Algeria’s Tindouf province, entered into production in July 2022. It ranks among the world’s largest iron ore deposits, with reserves estimated at 3.5 billion tonnes, of which 1.7 billion are exploitable. The site spans more than 131 km² and contains nearly 2 billion tonnes of ore, with an average iron content of 58.57%.

Industrial exploitation of the deposit is structured around two key phases:

  • Phase 1 (2022–2025): Annual production estimated between 2 and 3 million tonnes.
  • Phase 2 (from 2026 onward): With the commissioning of the railway line linking Gara Djebilet to Abadla (Béchar province), production is expected to reach approximately 50 million tonnes per year.

This project far exceeds mere extraction. Its ambition is to establish a fully integrated value chain, transforming raw ore into high-value products. It is a comprehensive program poised to elevate Algeria to the ranks of major global players in the steel industry, while eliminating iron ore imports (currently valued at $1 billion annually). Projected revenues are estimated at no less than $10 billion by 2026.

2) Why Does This Project Attract Moroccan Media Attention?

The context now being set, let us examine why this Algerian initiative has become a focal point for Moroccan media. It is a matter of public record that press freedom in Morocco is virtually nonexistent: independent and principled journalists are either imprisoned or forced into exile. Moroccan media primarily serves as a mouthpiece for the regime’s political directives.

Since independence, Morocco has invested heavily in embedding the “Greater Morocco” doctrine within public opinion—through school curricula, audiovisual propaganda, constitutional provisions, and other ideological instruments. This nationalist narrative rests upon three fundamental pillars:

  • Hostility toward Algeria: The more virulent the criticism, the more patriotic its author is perceived to be;
  • Adherence to expansionist theses: Belief in and promotion of the idea that Morocco must reclaim Western Sahara and other territories allegedly essential to its “territorial integrity”;
  • Veneration of the King: Regarded as a sacred and inviolable figure under Moroccan constitutional law.

Consequently, Moroccan media is compelled to faithfully echo these expansionist positions. This is the first reason why the Gara Djebilet project garners such attention: to persuade public opinion that Morocco never signed nor ratified any instrument recognizing Algerian sovereignty over territories it claims.

The second reason falls within the framework of a fourth-generation warfare strategy pursued by Rabat against Algiers: systematically discrediting Algerian achievements and sowing doubt within society to demoralize its vital forces.

Finally, the third reason lies in the perception of this project as a strategic threat: it will transform the Tindouf region into one of Algeria’s most prosperous zones. Its positive socio-economic impact across southwestern Algeria will deal a severe blow to Moroccan propaganda, which heavily relies on showcasing the purported accomplishments of Mohammed VI, particularly in Western Sahara.


3) Is Morocco’s Claim Legally Tenable?

As is often the case, the expansionist territorial claims advanced by Morocco lack any legal foundation. Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune once ridiculed these pretensions during a press conference, remarking with irony:

“Moroccans claim everything they see… and half of what they merely hear about.”

The Kingdom of Morocco cannot, therefore, be deemed legitimate in its approach, for two principal reasons:

A) History : 

Historically, the territories of Tindouf province claimed by Morocco have never formed part of the Kingdom. This applies equally to the entirety of Algerian territory. Were Morocco to undertake an honest historical audit, it would discover that Algeria forfeited nearly 100,000 km² of its lands—ceded by France to Morocco in 1845 under the Treaty of Lalla Maghnia. Furthermore, Dr. Mohamed Doumir has published a detailed video on YouTube demonstrating that Morocco possesses no historical right over Tindouf.


B) International Law:

Under international law, Morocco holds no rights over the Gara Djebilet mine, having signed and ratified the Convention of 15 June 1972 concerning the delimitation of borders. By virtue of this agreement, Morocco unequivocally recognized Algeria’s full and exclusive sovereignty over the mine.

Contrary to Moroccan allegations, there exists no juridical nexus between the border delimitation convention and the bilateral cooperation agreement for the exploitation of Gara Djebilet: these are two distinct instruments. Accordingly, any breach of the cooperation agreement does not affect the validity or enforceability of the border convention, and vice versa.


4) Is the convention signed in 1973 really binding for Algeria?

It is appropriate to examine the cooperation agreement concluded between Algeria and Morocco concerning the exploitation of the Gara Djebilet mine. On the Moroccan side, certain self-proclaimed experts in international law repeatedly assert that this instrument imposes binding obligations upon Algeria and that Morocco could initiate proceedings for international liability. Others have gone so far as to issue threats of armed aggression to “recover” the provinces of Béchar and Tindouf.

However, Section B of Article 17 of said convention, devoted to the settlement of disputes arising from cooperation between the parties, stipulates that the arbitral tribunal’s jurisdiction is strictly confined ratione materiae to disputes relating to the management and operation of the Algerian-Moroccan Company (S.A.M.), as well as to technical or commercial disagreements. It is expressly provided that the tribunal is not vested with authority to interpret the convention itself, thereby excluding any claim for revision or annulment of its provisions.

No other judicial body, including the Geneva Arbitral Tribunal, could assert jurisdiction over a dispute concerning the interpretation of this convention absent a compromissory clause or express consent of the parties. Any attempt at referral would thus be inadmissible for lack of competence ratione materiae and ratione personae.

Algerian negotiators demonstrated remarkable foresight by incorporating jurisdiction-limiting provisions, rendering any Moroccan action legally unfounded. We therefore invite the so-called Moroccan “experts,” such as Mr. Manar Slimi and other media figures, to clarify the legal basis upon which they intend to seize the Geneva Arbitral Tribunal.


5) Conclusion :

Contrary to the maxim attributed to Joseph Goebbels, the repetition of a falsehood does not endow it with the force of truth. The Moroccan media apparatus strives to impose a narrative devoid of any foundation in international law. This analysis establishes that Morocco’s position rests upon neither legal nor factual reality, but rather upon rhetorical maneuvers without effect on the prevailing situation.

The Gara Djebilet mining project has been launched within the framework of a strategic partnership with the People’s Republic of China, and no attempt at destabilization will impede its realization.

As for the propaganda disseminated by certain Moroccan media outlets, its purpose is purely domestic: to keep public opinion captive to a political illusion. In Algeria, such rhetorical artifices remain inconsequential to our resolve to advance toward emergence, ensuring peace, stability, and prosperity for all friendly nations in the region.


By Belgacem Merbah



(2): Extract from the Algerian Official Journal of June 15, 1973, containing the convention relating to the delimitation of borders and the convention of cooperation between Algeria and Morocco for the development of the mine of Gara Djebilet: https://www.joradp.dz/FTP/Jo-Francais/1973/F1973048.pdf

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