A critical flaw in this Moroccan propaganda is that the arguments used against Algeria are not only factually incorrect but also reflect the situation in Morocco. This reveals a form of astigmatism among the propagandists, who fail to recognize the issues in their own country while expending considerable energy to distort facts and project Morocco's realities onto Algeria. In previous analyses, we diagnosed this phenomenon among Moroccan pseudo-specialists, including Manar Slimi and his sponsors, as psychological projection. In psychology and psychoanalysis, projection is the process by which individuals attribute their own unacceptable feelings or impulses to others, unconsciously externalizing these intolerable emotions.
Given this diagnosis, the challenge lies in determining how to effectively counter this form of anti-Cartesian propaganda. Should individuals like Manar Slimi and his associates be referred to psychiatric treatment? Should we continue to respond to their fabrications on social media and television? Is this propaganda a cause for concern regarding its potential impact on our national stability? After months of confronting these impostors and liars, my conclusion is that silence is the most effective response to such folly. The political maturity of Algerians renders this type of propaganda ineffective, serving only as a source of amusement and distraction, given the absurdity of the claims made.
It is regrettable that, instead of addressing the numerous societal, political, and economic issues facing Morocco, the regime continues to invest in charlatans like Manar Slimi. These efforts aim to convince the Moroccan populace that their situation is better than that of their Algerian neighbors. In the age of social media, it is implausible to believe that the standard of living in Algeria is inferior to that in Morocco. It appears that only within Morocco does the rhetoric of Manar Slimi and his associates carry more weight than international development indicators.
A closer examination of the facts reveals that Algeria surpasses Morocco in numerous aspects. The data speaks for itself, highlighting the significant disparity between the two countries. In terms of infrastructure, Algeria boasts 108 higher education institutions and 300 hospitals, compared to Morocco's 29 and 149, respectively. The transportation sector also shows a stark difference, with Algeria's railways extending over 6,100 kilometers, nearly three times Morocco's 2,110 kilometers. Additionally, Algeria has 12,700 kilometers of highways, while Morocco has only 1,800 kilometers. Despite enduring a difficult decade, Algeria has made significant progress. Seven Algerian cities have tramway systems compared to only two in Morocco. Algeria's vehicle fleet numbers seven million, whereas Morocco's totals 2.8 million.
International rankings further underscore Algeria's superior position. Algeria ranks 73rd in the Corruption Perceptions Index, while Morocco ranks 105th. The poverty rate in Algeria is 29%, compared to Morocco's 45%, and the number of beggars is 10,000 in Algeria versus 121,000 in Morocco. Algeria's lack of external debt contrasts sharply with Morocco's nearly $50 billion in external debt. Furthermore, Algeria currently hosts over 1.2 million Moroccan illegal immigrants.
The statistics unequivocally demonstrate that the daily life of Algerians is considerably better than that of Moroccans. Yet, social media is replete with channels asserting the contrary. We recall the derogatory campaign by Moroccan YouTubers flaunting bananas to mock Algerians purportedly lacking them. Why is Morocco so invested in convincing its people that their daily lives are superior to those of Algerians, despite contradictory evidence? This question can be answered by understanding Morocco's national narrative, particularly the theory of Greater Morocco, which erroneously claims that a third of Algeria was historically Moroccan territory. This false narrative is perpetuated in Moroccan school textbooks, inculcating a sense of lost territory among Moroccans from a young age. This indoctrination fosters animosity towards Algeria and its people. Additionally, Algeria's support for the Sahrawi people's independence has exacerbated tensions, with Morocco branding Algeria as an enemy of its territorial integrity. This nationalistic fervor perpetuates the illusion that outperforming Algeria is a victory for Moroccans, providing solace amidst their dire conditions.
In conclusion, Manar Slimi represents an insubstantial phenomenon reflecting a faltering regime. The reliance on lies and manipulations is evidence that Algeria is on the right path, while its opponents teeter on the brink of collapse. Slimi and his ilk cannot sway the Algerian populace, as their depictions bear no resemblance to the reality in Algeria. Algerians who engage with these Moroccan YouTube channels do so out of curiosity or for entertainment, finding the content comically detached from their lived experiences. Ultimately, the leader of the Ayachite movement seeks to maintain Moroccan societal anaesthesia, preventing the populace from recognizing their plight by fostering an artificial euphoria of presumed superiority over Algeria.
(*) Ayacha: group of people devoted to the person of the queen of Morocco, it is a group of Moroccan royalists who unreservedly support the policy of the royal palace
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