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The Myth of Moroccan Support for the Algerian Revolution: A History of Calculations and Opportunism

The narrative surrounding Morocco’s relationship with the Algerian Revolution has long been shaped by biased historical accounts, mostly propagated by Moroccan state discourse. This version of events portrays King Mohammed V as an unwavering ally of Algeria in its struggle for independence. However, a deeper examination of historical facts reveals that this support was neither unconditional nor altruistic. Rather, it was a political tool, used by the Moroccan monarchy to strengthen its position, gain leverage in negotiations with France, and pursue territorial ambitions at Algeria’s expense.


Strategic, Self-Interested Support

When the Algerian War of Independence erupted in 1954, Morocco had just gained its own independence in 1956. Still grappling with internal instability and political uncertainty, King Mohammed V saw the Algerian struggle as an opportunity—both to consolidate his rule and to extract concessions from France. By offering limited assistance to the FLN (National Liberation Front), such as allowing the passage of arms and providing sanctuary to some Algerian fighters, Morocco sought to increase its diplomatic weight and pressure France into redrawing borders in its favor.

However, this support was never unconditional. In reality, Morocco only allowed the use of its territory for the transit of weapons in accordance with its own interests. It is worth noting that every shipment passing through its land was systematically subject to a deduction, ranging from 10% to 30% of the transported weapons. In some cases, entire shipments were seized when they contained modern weaponry, which was then replaced with arms dating back to World War II before being handed over to the National Liberation Army. Historical documents also indicate that Morocco exerted pressure on the National Liberation Front, conditioning its support on Algeria’s recognition of expanded Moroccan borders. This behavior proves that Mohammed V’s support did not stem from deep conviction or genuine commitment to revolutionary principles but rather served as a tool for political and territorial gains.

Morocco’s Expansionist Ambitions Over Algeria

One of the most overlooked aspects of this period is Morocco’s territorial ambitions concerning Algeria. Long before the French colonization, the Moroccan monarchy had sought to expand eastward, laying claim to regions such as Tindouf and Béchar. These expansionist aspirations were put on hold following France’s conquest of Algeria in 1830, but they never disappeared.

When Algeria finally achieved independence in 1962, King Hassan II, who had succeeded his father Mohammed V, saw a golden opportunity to resurrect these old claims. This led to the outbreak of the Sand War in 1963, when Morocco launched a military offensive to seize Algerian territories. This war exposed Morocco’s duplicity: while it had outwardly supported Algeria’s independence, it wasted no time in attempting to carve out Algerian land for itself as soon as the French had left.

Selective and Opportunistic Support

Contrary to Moroccan official narratives, Morocco was not the primary external supporter of the Algerian Revolution. The most significant aid came from Gamal Abdel Nasser’s Egypt, which provided substantial military and diplomatic backing.

Morocco, in contrast, played a secondary role, allowing its territory to be used as a logistical base only when it served its own interests. Historical records even suggest that Morocco attempted to extract political concessions from the FLN by tying its support to recognition of Moroccan territorial claims. This blatant instrumentalization of Algeria’s fight for freedom proves that Mohammed V’s support was never based on ideological conviction but was rather a pragmatic move to secure territorial and political gains.

When Hassan II Tried to Undermine Independent Algeria

One of the most telling episodes of Morocco’s double-dealing is documented by General Charles de Gaulle himself. In his memoirs, de Gaulle recounts a revealing discussion with King Hassan II, in which the Moroccan ruler tried to convince France to alter Algeria’s borders before granting it independence.

Hassan II argued that an independent Algeria would become a “cancer” in Africa, destabilizing the region and threatening French interests. He urged France to strengthen Morocco instead, positioning it as a strategic ally that could help contain a revolutionary Algeria intent on dismantling French influence across the continent.

This episode exposes Morocco’s true stance on the Algerian Revolution: it never saw Algeria as a natural ally in the anti-colonial struggle but rather as a future competitor to be weakened and contained.


Arrest of FLN Leaders in 1956

According to Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, Crown Prince Hassan II played a key role in the arrest of the FLN leaders in 1956. Initially, all the FLN leaders were supposed to board the same plane to travel from Rabat to Tunis. However, at the last moment, Hassan II changed his plans and informed the FLN leaders that he would no longer be traveling with them. Shortly after takeoff, the plane carrying Ahmed Ben Bella, Hocine Aït Ahmed, Mohamed Boudiaf, Mostefa Lacheraf, and Mohamed Khider was intercepted by the French army.

This interception, facilitated by French intelligence, led to suspicions of collusion between the Moroccan Crown Prince and the French authorities. Some believe that this move aimed to ease the tense Franco-Moroccan relations in exchange for diplomatic advantages for Morocco. Others see it as a betrayal of the Algerian cause, which relied on the support of neighboring countries in its struggle for independence.

The Paradox: Algeria’s Support for the Polisario

Today, Morocco frequently uses this distorted version of history to criticize Algeria’s support for the Polisario Front, which advocates for the self-determination of Western Sahara. Moroccan officials argue that Algeria’s stance contradicts the "Maghreb unity" that Morocco supposedly upheld by supporting Algeria’s independence.

But this comparison is misleading. Unlike Morocco, which exploited the Algerian struggle for independence for political gain, Algeria supports the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination as a consistent principle of decolonization—the same principle that guided its own war against French rule. Morocco’s involvement in the Algerian Revolution was dictated by self-interest, whereas Algeria’s backing of the Polisario aligns with its long-standing commitment to anti-colonial struggles worldwide.

Conclusion: A Fabrication of History to Serve Moroccan Interests

The idea that Mohammed V was the staunchest defender of the Algerian cause is a political fabrication, designed to grant Morocco historical legitimacy in the region. The reality is that Moroccan support for the Algerian Revolution was conditional, strategic, and ultimately self-serving.

The history of Algerian-Moroccan relations is one of political maneuvering and conflicting interests. Morocco sought to exploit the Algerian War of Independence to advance its territorial ambitions, even attempting to persuade colonial powers to redraw Algeria’s borders before its independence. This mentality persists today, shaping the ongoing tensions between the two nations.

It is time to reassess this history objectively, free from political propaganda, and acknowledge that Morocco was never a true champion of the Algerian Revolution. Rather, it was an opportunistic player, seeking to turn Algeria’s struggle into a bargaining chip for its own expansionist agenda.








Sources :

  • Charles de Gaulle, Mémoires d’espoir (1970-1971) – In this work, de Gaulle shares his reflections on the end of the colonial empire and his interactions with various leaders.
  • Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle: Le souverain (1959-1970) (1986) – A detailed biography of General de Gaulle, exploring his complex relationships with Maghreb leaders.
  • Pierre Vermeren, Le Maroc en transition (2002) – A historian specializing in the Maghreb, Vermeren analyzes Morocco’s diplomatic strategies during this period.
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