ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

Rapid developments in the Maghreb reveal a major strategic shift in Morocco’s behavior —a shift that can only be interpreted through a deliberate logic of pressure, provocation, and the maximal expansion of its maneuvering space. This approach—marked by a posture of escalation, defiance, and a break with regional balances—dangerously brings the region closer to the specter of armed confrontation . While some persist in wrapping the crisis in a rigid diplomatic discourse , political and operational data indicate that a solution will not emerge before the moment of explosion; at best, it will be imposed by the consequences of conflict. 1. Morocco’s Transformation: From Defensive to Strategic Offensive Since 2020, Rabat has adopted an unprecedented offensive posture in regional history, structured around three main axes: Expanding external alliances , notably through security and military normalization with Israel , including sensitive arms contracts that have created an artificial...

Since the Algerian government resolved to revive the strategic Gara Djebilet mining project (1), Moroccan media—both official and unofficial—has hastened to seize upon the subject, invoking an alleged “historical right” of Morocco over this deposit. According to the narrative advanced by Rabat, King Hassan II purportedly accepted the demarcation of borders between Morocco and Algeria in exchange for a usufructuary right over the Gara Djebilet mine. Yet, the instruments duly signed and ratified by both States tell an entirely different story (2). This article will revisit that point in detail, with the aim of dismantling Moroccan propaganda designed for domestic consumption—propaganda intended to perpetuate the illusion of a return to a bygone grandeur… which, in truth, never existed. Before addressing Morocco’s assertions, let us first outline the Gara Djebilet mega-project: what does it entail? 1) The Gara Djebilet mega project in a nutshell: The Gara Djebilet mine, located in Algeria...

The announcement of the deployment of an Israeli industrial capability for drone manufacturing in Morocco marks a major turning point in the Maghreb’s military balance. This development raises a central question: how can Algeria respond to this technological upgrade by its western neighbor? Options do exist, and they fall within the framework of a Russo-Algerian military cooperation that continues to strengthen. A Changing Regional Context: The Drone Factor as a Power Multiplier Armed drones are no longer just a tactical tool: they have become a strategic instrument, capable of striking deep, saturating defenses, and reshaping operational doctrines. For Rabat, integrating Israeli know-how into local drone production paves the way for capacity autonomy and asymmetric projection in the latent conflict over Western Sahara. In response, Algiers could turn to Russia’s long-range drone sector, particularly systems like the “Geran-2” (known as Shahed-136 in Iran), whose effectiveness has b...

With the first two Su‑57E fifth‑generation fighters now declared on combat duty for a foreign customer widely assessed to be Algeria , the country has entered the stealth era with a micro‑fleet. The strategic value lies less in numbers than in the qualitative uplift : sensors‑centric reconnaissance, electronic warfare, and low‑observable penetration that multiply the combat power of Algeria’s robust 4/4+ generation backbone (Su‑30MKA, Su‑35, Su‑24M). Even in very small numbers, Su‑57s can act as “tactical mini‑AWACS” and SEAD/DEAD spearheads , reshaping the regional calculus against increasingly layered Moroccan ground‑based air defenses (HQ‑9B/FD‑2000B, Patriot PAC‑3) and reinforcing Algeria’s deterrence posture in the Mediterranean . 1) Algeria’s “Micro‑Fleet” of Su‑57: What Can Two Jets Change? At Dubai Airshow 2025 , UAC CEO Vadim Badekha publicly stated the first export Su‑57s are on combat duty , with the customer “satisfied.” While Moscow did not name the buyer, Algeria ...

A country that shed its blood for Palestine now finds itself attacked by those who once betrayed it. Algeria has never reduced the Palestinian cause to an empty slogan or a tool for political one-upmanship. Its commitment has never been symbolic: it is rooted in its history, flows through its diplomacy, and is inscribed in the sacrifice of its sons. Before anyone questions the coherence of Algeria’s position, one truth must be recalled—a truth too often ignored: Algeria took part in every Arab-Israeli war, sending its soldiers and aircraft to the Middle Eastern fronts. In 1973, it went even further: it financed the October War with its own funds, offering Moscow a blank check to equip the Egyptian army. And in November 1988, Algiers hosted the proclamation of the State of Palestine, a founding act that placed our country in the crosshairs of powers and networks whose maneuvers fueled the tragedies of the Black Decade. No other Arab country has paid such a heavy price for defending, un...

Ahmed Rissouni, former president of what is called “The International Union of Muslim Scholars” , returns once again to his favorite exercise: stoking discord, legitimizing confrontation, and distributing certificates of “national purity” according to the needs of the Moroccan palace. The man who once called for a “holy war” against Algeria and a “march on Tindouf” now appears under a new guise—but with an even more dangerous discourse, saturated with insinuations and falsehoods designed to inflame an entire region. In a lengthy article, he proclaims that the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic has been “definitively buried” by a decision of the UN Security Council—as if the United Nations had suddenly renounced the principle of self-determination. Rissouni forgets—or pretends to forget—that the UN has never recognized Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, and that the conflict remains officially listed as a decolonization issue. This is not analysis; it is propaganda disguised as...