ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

When former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing declared in a televised interview that “the tragedy of Algeria is that it has never had a president of Houari Boumediene’s caliber since his death”, it was neither sentimental nostalgia nor belated flattery. The significance of this statement lies precisely in the fact that Giscard had been a political adversary of Boumediene, representing a country whose interests were directly challenged by Algeria’s sovereign policies in the 1970s. In this context, Giscard’s acknowledgment becomes a strategic recognition: Boumediene was not merely a head of state; he embodied a nation with clear will, strategic vision, and the capacity to unsettle established international balances. In other words, Algeria at the time was led by a statesman capable of thinking historically, acting decisively, and navigating the complex logic of power. Forty-seven years after his death on December 27, 1978, this absence continues to weigh heavily on the Algerian s...

On the occasion of the Africa Cup of Nations held in Morocco , the media discourse close to the Moroccan authorities witnessed a clear escalation, characterized by fabricated narratives, staged media scenes, and a series of provocations against Algeria . This strategy—aimed at politically exploiting a sporting event—reveals a fragile social and political backdrop that the authorities are visibly attempting to conceal and divert public attention away from. Unacceptable Provocations In addition to speeches and media narratives, this tournament was marked by two widely discussed incidents: In several Moroccan cities , Algerian flags were displayed upside down , turning what should have been a simple protocol gesture into a highly symbolic message. In an already sensitive political context, this act was interpreted as a deliberate provocation directed at Algeria. During the opening ceremony, the Algerian flag was the only flag that was not visible (the camera angle did not allow our nati...

The narrative surrounding Morocco’s relationship with the Algerian Revolution has long been shaped by biased historical accounts , mostly propagated by Moroccan state discourse . This version of events portrays King Mohammed V as an unwavering ally of Algeria in its struggle for independence. However, a deeper examination of historical facts reveals that this support was neither unconditional nor altruistic . Rather, it was a political tool , used by the Moroccan monarchy to strengthen its position, gain leverage in negotiations with France, and pursue territorial ambitions at Algeria’s expense. Strategic, Self-Interested Support When the Algerian War of Independence erupted in 1954, Morocco had just gained its own independence in 1956. Still grappling with internal instability and political uncertainty, King Mohammed V saw the Algerian struggle as an opportunity —both to consolidate his rule and to extract concessions from France. By offering limited assistance to the FLN (Nationa...

In the depths of history, certain pages resist closure, leaving lingering shadows that haunt collective consciences. Algeria , a nation forged in the flames of unyielding resistance, is poised to engrave in its national legislation a solemn condemnation of French colonialism . Carried by a cross-party coalition of deputies, this proposed law—scheduled for plenary debates in the People’s National Assembly (APN) on December 20, 21, and 24, 2025—designates the 132 years of occupation (1830-1962) as an “imprescriptible state crime.” It assigns full legal responsibility to France for a litany of crimes against humanity , demanding official recognition, apologies, and reparations.   At the core of this text, organized into rigorous chapters—defining objectives, cataloguing violations, mechanisms of historical justice—lies a documented roster of some thirty atrocities: mass killings, summary executions, forced displacements, systematic plundering of resources, attempts at cultural alienat...

At the heart of Maghrebi turbulence, a deceptive fable has crept into certain Moroccan political and media discourses, one that seeks to forge a false symmetry between Algeria’s unwavering commitment to the sacred right of the Sahrawi people to self‑determination and what is brazenly presented as a purported Moroccan “right” to foment secessionist stirrings on Algerian soil—chief among them the phantom‑like Movement for the Self‑Determination of Kabylia (MAK). This equation is not only intellectually unsound but deeply perilous, for it dares to confuse a universally recognized decolonization cause with an identity‑subversion enterprise directed against a sovereign and millennial nation. By granting sponsorship to the MAK, Morocco has committed a strategic error of exceptional gravity, handing Algeria—on a silver platter—the opportunity to exploit a profound historical fault line: that of the Rif , a proud and indomitable land which, unlike Kabylia—eternally fused with the Algerian sou...

The firm, detailed rebuttal issued by Algeria’s Ministry of National Defence (MDN) against false claims about creating “mercenary units” in the Sahel is anything but a routine defensive gesture. It is a political and strategic signal that illuminates the shifting regional security environment, the rise of hybrid warfare , and Algeria’s growing centrality in Sahelian power balances. The Cognitive Battlespace: When the State’s Image Is the Target By describing the campaign as a “ flagrant slander ” pushed by media and platforms “ whose allegiance and orientation are no longer in need of exposure ,” the MDN lays bare the mechanics of information warfare : discrediting the military institution, eroding the state’s voice, muddying the doctrine—and, ultimately, undermining Algeria’s international credibility and regional influence . These cognitive operations rarely seek to persuade outright; they are designed to seed doubt —about intentions, legal compliance, and Algeria’s margins of ma...