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Mohamed Amoura: A Misread Gesture and the Instrumentalization of a Controversy

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Caracas, 2 a.m.: explosions, helicopters, and a geopolitical shift

Shortly before 2 a.m., Caracas was jolted awake by a series of explosions followed by the sound of low‑flying aircraft. Images and eyewitness accounts reported smoke near military installations—particularly around La Carlota —as well as power outages in several districts of the capital. Early news dispatches confirmed at least seven blasts and prolonged overflights above the city. During this same timeframe, international media pinpointed impacts and plumes of smoke around major installations (La Carlota and Fuerte Tiuna), while the Venezuelan executive denounced a “military aggression” targeting civilian and military sites in Caracas and in the states of Miranda, Aragua, and La Guaira, declaring a state of emergency. Videos circulating online showed helicopters attributed to U.S. special operations forces ( 160th SOAR , MH‑47 and possibly MH‑60 ) flying at very low altitude over the capital, in what appeared to be a raid‑type operation—penetration, extraction, and close air support. ...

Football as a Political Totem: How Morocco Trapped Itself

It has now become clear that, for Morocco, football is no longer merely a sport: it has been elevated into a national doctrine , a pillar of identity serving a political narrative. What should have remained the ordinary organization of a continental competition has turned into a politico‑media ritual , where each match must demonstrate a form of symbolic superiority, and every result is interpreted as proof of national prowess. Within this inflated narrative, football becomes the alpha and the omega : an instrument of economic promotion, a mask covering social fragilities, a diplomatic lever, and, above all, a symbolic weapon directed at a neighbor constantly present in the discourse: Algeria , even when it is not involved. The recent article published by Hespress illustrates this drift with striking clarity. Beneath the surface of sporting celebration, one finds an excessive fixation on Algeria , fueled by anxious anticipation of reactions that, in reality, do not exist. According to...

The “Drone War” in Western Sahara: When Propaganda Conceals a Strategic Military Deadlock

The recent article published by Hespress , portraying the so-called “precision strikes” of the Royal Moroccan Armed Forces against the Polisario Front , reads less like strategic analysis than military communication masquerading as journalism. Beneath its technical vocabulary and self-congratulatory tone lies a carefully crafted narrative designed to normalize a political impasse, sanitize legally questionable practices, and equate technological superiority with legitimacy. Rewriting Responsibility The article opens with the familiar claim that Morocco is exercising “restraint and wisdom” in response to Polisario “low-intensity provocations.” This framing deliberately obscures a fundamental fact acknowledged in official UN reports : it was Morocco’s military intervention at Guerguerat in November 2020 that effectively ended the 1991 ceasefire . Since then, the conflict has not been “frozen” but has entered a phase of sustained low-intensity warfare , for which Rabat bears primary...

Boumediene: The Lost Strategic Stature of the Algerian State

When former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing declared in a televised interview that “the tragedy of Algeria is that it has never had a president of Houari Boumediene’s caliber since his death”, it was neither sentimental nostalgia nor belated flattery. The significance of this statement lies precisely in the fact that Giscard had been a political adversary of Boumediene, representing a country whose interests were directly challenged by Algeria’s sovereign policies in the 1970s. In this context, Giscard’s acknowledgment becomes a strategic recognition: Boumediene was not merely a head of state; he embodied a nation with clear will, strategic vision, and the capacity to unsettle established international balances. In other words, Algeria at the time was led by a statesman capable of thinking historically, acting decisively, and navigating the complex logic of power. Forty-seven years after his death on December 27, 1978, this absence continues to weigh heavily on the Algerian s...

Moroccan Political Communication and the Escalation of Provocative Gestures Toward Algeria During the 2025 Bousbir Africa Cup of Nations

On the occasion of the Africa Cup of Nations held in Morocco , the media discourse close to the Moroccan authorities witnessed a clear escalation, characterized by fabricated narratives, staged media scenes, and a series of provocations against Algeria . This strategy—aimed at politically exploiting a sporting event—reveals a fragile social and political backdrop that the authorities are visibly attempting to conceal and divert public attention away from. Unacceptable Provocations In addition to speeches and media narratives, this tournament was marked by two widely discussed incidents: In several Moroccan cities , Algerian flags were displayed upside down , turning what should have been a simple protocol gesture into a highly symbolic message. In an already sensitive political context, this act was interpreted as a deliberate provocation directed at Algeria. During the opening ceremony, the Algerian flag was the only flag that was not visible (the camera angle did not allow our nati...

The Myth of Moroccan Support for the Algerian Revolution: A History of Calculations and Opportunism

The narrative surrounding Morocco’s relationship with the Algerian Revolution has long been shaped by biased historical accounts , mostly propagated by Moroccan state discourse . This version of events portrays King Mohammed V as an unwavering ally of Algeria in its struggle for independence. However, a deeper examination of historical facts reveals that this support was neither unconditional nor altruistic . Rather, it was a political tool , used by the Moroccan monarchy to strengthen its position, gain leverage in negotiations with France, and pursue territorial ambitions at Algeria’s expense. Strategic, Self-Interested Support When the Algerian War of Independence erupted in 1954, Morocco had just gained its own independence in 1956. Still grappling with internal instability and political uncertainty, King Mohammed V saw the Algerian struggle as an opportunity —both to consolidate his rule and to extract concessions from France. By offering limited assistance to the FLN (Nationa...