ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

In November 1975, Spain withdrew from Western Sahara. Seizing the opportunity, Morocco and Mauritania illegally divided the land, in blatant violation of international law and the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination. The Sahrawis became the first victims: bombed with napalm and phosphorus, massacred, and buried in mass graves beneath the desert sands. True to its revolutionary mission and the principles of November 1954, Algeria stood firm with the Sahrawi people. In January 1976, more than 2,000 Sahrawi civilians found refuge in Amgala, a vital water point in the desert, where the 41st Algerian Infantry Battalion, specialized in logistics and humanitarian support, was stationed. Their mission: to protect refugees, provide food, and deliver aid. But the Moroccan monarchy — the Makhzen — chose to reveal its true face. Amgala I (21–29 January 1976): Algerian Blood Spilled for Justice 21 January 1976 Polisario fighters struck a Mauritanian garrison in Dakhla, killing 60 soldiers....

While the Algerian president has taken a summer break, logically suspending his official activities, an unusual stir can be observed on the other side of the border. Many Moroccans, amplified by countless live streams and comments on social media, are eager to know: “Where is the Algerian president?” A question that might seem trivial at first glance, but in reality reveals deep political and psychological dynamics. A Revealing Paradox What stands out first is the paradox. The King of Morocco himself is often absent—whether for health reasons or extended vacations abroad—to the point that his prolonged absences have become a constant feature of Moroccan political life. Yet, despite this, the attention of many Moroccans is not focused on the management of their own internal affairs, but rather on the presence or absence of Algeria’s head of state. At the same time, Morocco is grappling with multiple crises: economic, with mounting debt; social, with poverty affecting millions of citizen...

The Moroccan newspaper Assahifa recently published an article attempting to downplay Algeria’s acquisition of the heavy tactical bomber Sukhoi-34, and the possibility of obtaining the multi-role stealth fighter Sukhoi-57, by suggesting that Morocco’s air force modernization program — based on F-16 Block 72 fighter jets and Apache AH-64E helicopters — could match Algerian capabilities. However, a serious technical military assessment shows that this comparison is nothing more than media rhetoric aimed at domestic consumption, and does not reflect the real gap in air power between the two countries. 1. Platforms That Cannot Be Compared Su-34 Fullback: A heavy tactical bomber with a combat range exceeding 3,000–4,000 km, capable of carrying over 8 tons of diverse weaponry, equipped with advanced navigation and attack systems enabling precise long-range strikes. Su-57: A fifth-generation fighter featuring stealth, super-maneuverability, multi-directional AESA radars, and a strong mix of ai...

For decades, Algeria has been a generous source of wealth for Morocco. Our western neighbor benefited abundantly from our resources: subsidized food products, hydrocarbons, gasoline, diesel, medicines… Sometimes this was through official trade, but often via smuggling networks. The greatest gift, however, was undoubtedly the Maghreb–Europe Gas Pipeline, built at Algeria’s initiative. It brought Morocco billions of dollars in transit fees and, more importantly, enabled it to provide cheap energy to attract foreign investors. The plain truth is this: before Algerian gas flowed through its territory, Morocco had no significant industry to speak of. Even the most hostile analysts admit the direct cause-and-effect link between the pipeline and Morocco’s industrial rise—because without energy, there can be no industry. And yet, the Moroccan regime repeats to anyone who will listen that the Algerian government harbors a deep hatred toward Morocco. But would any country supposedly “driven by h...

On August 1, 2025, Mali’s transitional military council announced with great fanfare the release of four Moroccan truck drivers who had been held by the so‑called Islamic State in the “three borders” region. At first glance, this might seem like an impressive security achievement. Yet behind the glittering façade lies a far more dangerous reality: a shady political‑security deal that has breathed new life into a terrorist organization, while exposing Morocco as a double‑faced actor — publicly claiming to fight terrorism while fueling it through illicit channels, foremost among them the drug trade. A Deal at the Expense of Regional Security Multiple consistent sources confirm that this was no heroic rescue, as Bamako portrayed it, but rather a full‑blown deal: the release of high‑ranking ISIS field commanders — such as Dadi Ould Cheib, known as “Abu Darda,” and Ammiya Ould el‑Bakkay — in exchange for handing over the Moroccan hostages, along with a substantial ransom payment. These two ...

Since the unification of Numidia in 202 BC, the Algerian borders have always extended to Oued Melouya in the extreme west of our territory (History of the Berbers, W. M-G de Slane, volume III, page 180 and History of the Berbers. Translation of Slane. Volume I, p. 194 and following). The arrival of the French in Algeria in 1830 was the cause of an inestimable loss of territory for Algeria. Indeed, in order to crush the resistance of Emir Abdelkader who led heroic battles against France between 1832 and 1847, France found in the person of Sultan Abderrahmane of Morocco an ideal ally, as the interests of Abderrahmane and France coincided: Abderrahmane viewed the military exploits of the Emir Abdelkader, who was of Idrisside descent, with disfavor, and the prestige of the Emir Abdelkader became increasingly important, even in Morocco. There was a risk for his throne which was under the threat of several Berber tribes who did not recognize his leadership over Morocco. Thus, the Moroccan su...