ALGERIAN PATRIOTS - ENGLISH

The announcement of the deployment of an Israeli industrial capability for drone manufacturing in Morocco marks a major turning point in the Maghreb’s military balance. This development raises a central question: how can Algeria respond to this technological upgrade by its western neighbor? Options do exist, and they fall within the framework of a Russo-Algerian military cooperation that continues to strengthen. A Changing Regional Context: The Drone Factor as a Power Multiplier Armed drones are no longer just a tactical tool: they have become a strategic instrument, capable of striking deep, saturating defenses, and reshaping operational doctrines. For Rabat, integrating Israeli know-how into local drone production paves the way for capacity autonomy and asymmetric projection in the latent conflict over Western Sahara. In response, Algiers could turn to Russia’s long-range drone sector, particularly systems like the “Geran-2” (known as Shahed-136 in Iran), whose effectiveness has b...

With the first two Su‑57E fifth‑generation fighters now declared on combat duty for a foreign customer widely assessed to be Algeria , the country has entered the stealth era with a micro‑fleet. The strategic value lies less in numbers than in the qualitative uplift : sensors‑centric reconnaissance, electronic warfare, and low‑observable penetration that multiply the combat power of Algeria’s robust 4/4+ generation backbone (Su‑30MKA, Su‑35, Su‑24M). Even in very small numbers, Su‑57s can act as “tactical mini‑AWACS” and SEAD/DEAD spearheads , reshaping the regional calculus against increasingly layered Moroccan ground‑based air defenses (HQ‑9B/FD‑2000B, Patriot PAC‑3) and reinforcing Algeria’s deterrence posture in the Mediterranean . 1) Algeria’s “Micro‑Fleet” of Su‑57: What Can Two Jets Change? At Dubai Airshow 2025 , UAC CEO Vadim Badekha publicly stated the first export Su‑57s are on combat duty , with the customer “satisfied.” While Moscow did not name the buyer, Algeria ...

A country that shed its blood for Palestine now finds itself attacked by those who once betrayed it. Algeria has never reduced the Palestinian cause to an empty slogan or a tool for political one-upmanship. Its commitment has never been symbolic: it is rooted in its history, flows through its diplomacy, and is inscribed in the sacrifice of its sons. Before anyone questions the coherence of Algeria’s position, one truth must be recalled—a truth too often ignored: Algeria took part in every Arab-Israeli war, sending its soldiers and aircraft to the Middle Eastern fronts. In 1973, it went even further: it financed the October War with its own funds, offering Moscow a blank check to equip the Egyptian army. And in November 1988, Algiers hosted the proclamation of the State of Palestine, a founding act that placed our country in the crosshairs of powers and networks whose maneuvers fueled the tragedies of the Black Decade. No other Arab country has paid such a heavy price for defending, un...

Ahmed Rissouni, former president of what is called “The International Union of Muslim Scholars” , returns once again to his favorite exercise: stoking discord, legitimizing confrontation, and distributing certificates of “national purity” according to the needs of the Moroccan palace. The man who once called for a “holy war” against Algeria and a “march on Tindouf” now appears under a new guise—but with an even more dangerous discourse, saturated with insinuations and falsehoods designed to inflame an entire region. In a lengthy article, he proclaims that the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic has been “definitively buried” by a decision of the UN Security Council—as if the United Nations had suddenly renounced the principle of self-determination. Rissouni forgets—or pretends to forget—that the UN has never recognized Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, and that the conflict remains officially listed as a decolonization issue. This is not analysis; it is propaganda disguised as...

When Historical Ignorance Becomes a Geopolitical Weapon Tahar Ben Jelloun’s recent intervention in Le Figaro purports to offer a literary testimony; in reality, it is a discursive strategy meticulously aligned with the geopolitical imperatives of the makhzen . By exploiting the singular case of Boualem Sansal, Ben Jelloun claims to shed light on Algeria’s political history; yet what he truly reveals is this: the unwavering determination of the Moroccan literary lobby to instrumentalize memory and literature in order to weaken Algeria and serve the interests of the royal palace. This analysis is framed within a perspective that asserts Algeria’s national sovereignty—both historical and contemporary—and categorically rejects the Moroccan and Franco-colonial narratives that Ben Jelloun reproduces without nuance. 1. A Voice Undermined by Silence on Moroccan Repression Let us state the obvious: Tahar Ben Jelloun is not a neutral observer of the Maghreb. While Algeria stood alone again...

The announcement of a presidential pardon for Boualem Sansal has stirred surprise, debate, and indignation across Algeria. The Franco-Algerian writer, sentenced to five years in prison for statements deemed harmful to national unity, will be transferred to Germany for medical treatment at the express request of President Frank-Walter Steinmeier. While the gesture appears rooted in humanitarian considerations, it in fact unveils a complex diplomatic web where principles of sovereignty, European power balances, and political calculations intersect. A Humanitarian Gesture with Multiple Diplomatic Readings Officially, the presidential decision is framed as a “humanitarian” response to a German request. Boualem Sansal, elderly and in poor health, would thus benefit from a medical transfer in a spirit of clemency and openness. Yet seasoned observers know that behind this façade lies a far subtler game of influence. For months, Paris had sought Sansal’s release, multiplying diplomatic and ...